Kanak Chanpa Chakma from Seoul


Rangamati, January 25, 2007 : Kanak Chanpa Chakma are back from Seoul, South Korea, having won approbation for her work and country. She took part in a recent international art festival arranged by the Seoul Artists' Association.

"I sent in my painting, two feet by two feet; while Mithu's was two feet by three feet. We had worked on paper and sent our entries before our arrival at Korea. Mithu's was mixed media, while mine was acrylic, with a modern composition of tribal life done in two colours, green and ash, touched with white. Mithu's abstract work was bluish in hue. He had used, in addition, jute and paper collage," explains Kanak.

The other artists at the festival hailed from Norway, the Netherlands, Japan, China, Taiwan, Vietnam and Myanmar, among others. The artists collected at Seoul, and then went by plane to Yeosu, an island where there was large gallery, in which the art exhibition was held. There was a parallel display of sculpture in an enormous, nearby garden, in a valley with a river flowing past it.

"The cultural exchange was a great experience. Other artists expressed their desire to come and exhibit in Bangladesh. Art connoisseurs from Japan, China and Taiwan liked our work and invited us to their countries, in turn," says Kanak.

In Korea, Kanak studied Mahayana Buddhism which is different from the prevailing Hinayana branch of Buddhism prevalent in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and India. She studied the temples and the monks. "The difference lies in the way of the prayer," says Kanak, "The aspiration for Nirvana and the belief in Buddha, however, remain the same." She went to Myanmar too to study Buddhist philosophy, which she had represented in her work in Bengal Gallery in 2005. She hopes to dwell on the same subject in her future exhibit-- having studied the similarities and differences in the way of life of the monks there and here in Bangladesh. A lot of saffron, gold and orange will be seen again in Kanak's future work, as also witnessed in her present canvases in her studio in Dhanmondi.

Diplomats hope election will be held soon


Dhaka, January 25, 2007 : Encouraged by the caretaker government's agenda, foreign diplomats in Dhaka yesterday hoped that the next general elections would take place as soon as possible.

The envoys of US, UK, Germany and France made careful and optimistic comments about the next elections in Bangladesh to reporters after attending a luncheon hosted by Foreign Affairs Adviser Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury at Sonargaon Hotel in Dhaka.

More than 50 ambassadors and high commissioners stationed in Dhaka attended the luncheon.

US Ambassador Patricia Butenis, British High Commissioner Anwar Choudhury, German Ambassador Frank Meyke, French Ambassador Jacques Andre Constilhes and their diplomat colleagues extended support to the agenda of the new caretaker government for holding free, fair and credible elections after accomplishing necessary reforms.

"As most Bangladeshis and we are hoping that elections are going to be held as soon as possible," Butenis said, "everybody is waiting and watching and there is a lot of goodwill."

On the interim government, the US envoy said it has popular support and they want to work closely with it.

She said everyone knows the demands of political parties for a credible election and hoped that the parties would have consensus on the reconstitution of the Election Commission and other election reforms before going for the elections.

UK High Commissioner Anwar Choudhury was appreciative of Chief Adviser Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed's address to the nation saying, "It was very comprehensive where he laid down his plan of actions."

"We are pleased with the approach that has been taken and the progress that this government seems to be making," he said, adding, "We hope that it continues that way."

When asked about his speculation about the possible time for elections, he said, "That is an issue for the interim government and the people of Bangladesh."

Being pressed about the possible timing of the election, Anwar Choudhury in his diplomatic parlance said, "I suppose when the interim government is ready it would announce the next schedule."

German Ambassador Frank Meyke, who is currently holding the EU chair, said, "We are looking forward to supporting as much as our diplomacy can the government to hold a free and fair election."

He said the timing of the next election is a kind of thing that must be discussed by experts. Election Observation Mission of European Union could be useful in this respect once they are here in action again, he added.

French Ambassador Jacques Constilhes also appreciated the caretaker government's efforts to hold a credible election and said they had encouraging meeting with the foreign affairs adviser.

Earlier, Foreign Affairs Adviser Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury outlined the caretaker government's prime agenda of holding elections free from corruption and muscle power and sought support from the diplomatic community in implementing the caretaker government's agenda.

In his brief introductory remarks, Chowdhury said Bangladesh is playing a major role in the international arena including in the UN peacekeeping missions. He said the incumbent government would carry out all its normal activities and will attend the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (Saarc) summit scheduled in India next April.

Acting Foreign Secretary Touhid Hossain and senior officials of the foreign ministry were also present.

Tripitaka Reciting Ceremony in Bodh Gaya
Press Release

Bodh Gaya. January 24, 2007 : The second Tipitika Chanting Prayer Ceremony is scheduled from February 12-24, 2007 and will be held in Bodh Gaya, India. More than 500 monks from Cambodia, Myanmar, Thailand, Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, Australia,USA and Europe plan to attend.

Prominent Venerable Mahatheras and Spiritual leaders from around the world, along with VIPs will attend this ceremony. Ajahn Brahmavamsa, Ajahn Sujato and Venenerable A. Paññājoti will participate from Australia on behalf of Australia Sangha Association. The Light of Buddha Dhamma Foundation International(LBDFI) organising the ceremony and aslo will be organising Dharma talks every evening under the Bodhi Tree. The first day of chanting will begin on February 13, 2007. They will begin chanting from the The Digha Nikaya ("Collection of Long Discourses).

LBDFI is sponsoring the printing of copies of the volumes of the Tipitika to be chanted during the ceremony, to be distributed to all participants. On the last day, there will be a lighting of candles and closing ceremony.

The burden of peace making is not for president alone


Coloombo, January 24, 2007 : The capture of Vakarai in the Batticaloa district by the Sri Lankan army after a tussle that lasted several weeks eliminates the last of the big LTTE administrative centres in the east. It was only a few months earlier that the LTTE lost Sampur in the neighbouring Trincomalee district to the army after another brief struggle to retain it. With the loss of Vakarai, the LTTE has ceased to an administrative entity in the east, although they retain their capacity as a guerilla force. Most of the people who lived in Sampur and Vakarai are now relegated to the status of internally displaced persons. Much of the areas in which they lived are either flattened by bombardments or are temporary high security zones.

The LTTE now faces a resurgent Sri Lankan army headed by General Sarath Fonseka, a man they tried to assassinate by a suicide bomber a year ago. His promise to lead the government forces to victory in the north seems plausible to many in both the government and society in general. Frustrated by the failure of the peace process to deliver a stable political solution, there seems to be an increasing number of people who are supportive of a military solution. In these circumstances the outlook is particularly grim for the people of the north, which is likely to be the next theatre of military confrontation.

Tragically, it is likely that many of the people living in the areas that are currently controlled by the LTTE will suffer the fate of their counterparts in the east. They could soon be driven out of their homes in the fighting that is to come. As for the LTTE too, the outlook can hardly be positive. Their continued acts of terror and human rights violations such as child recruitment and political assassination continue to deprive them of any substantial international sympathy. Their military performance in the east also suggests that they have not yet got over the defection of their erstwhile comrade-in-arms and eastern commander, Colonel Karuna and his men.

The worst possible outcome of the ethnic conflict would be the pursuit of a military solution to the bitter end. After a terrible period of over twenty five years of warfare, terrorism and human rights abuses that have seen Sri Lanka fall behind so many countries it was ahead of, the people of Sri Lanka deserve a stable and just political solution that permits development and prosperity. As against a political solution that is negotiated and will ensure justice for all communities, a military solution is likely to lead to a one-sided solution that is unilaterally enforced and in which there is no justice.

General belief

Those who urge a military solution on both sides of the divide have reasons for the positions they take. They believe that the foe they are opposed to will never change. They believe that if a person or an organization has held fast to a position for twenty five years, or for fifty years, that they will continue to stay in the same position for the rest of their lives. Those who point to the LTTE’s track record of killing all who oppose anything less than an independent state of Tamil Eelam, also may point to LTTE leader Velupillai Pirapaharan’s admonition that he too should be killed if he gives up the fight for Tamil Eelam.

In exactly the opposite way, there will also be those who point to the failure of successive governments of Sri Lanka to implement their promises with regard to a just solution to the rights of the Tamil people, and to the manner in which the opposition has opposed whatever the government has sought to do with regard to finding a just solution. But this belief in the unchanging nature of the other, be it the LTTE or the government, goes counter to the insight of religion, psychology or even materialism, which states that all things are liable to change, if not in the short term, then in the longer term.

The present political uncertainty in the country, and shifting political alliances are an indication of the processes of change at work. President Mahinda Rajapaksa has gone against his own electoral alliances with the Sinhalese nationalist parties to work on a political solution to the ethnic conflict. He has summoned an All Party Conference, appointed an Expert Panel, and entrusted Prof. Tissa Vitarana to forge a compromise of what all have come up with. He needs political allies to support him in this task. The President’s actions are an indication of the possibility of change.

At this critical juncture it is important that the LTTE leadership in particular should re-evaluate their strategy. Instead of leaving it solely to the government to show initiative in coming up with a political solution, the LTTE need to make their ownpolitical initiatives that are relevant to the present context. But the unfortunate reality is that they are doing nothing at the present time that can be seen as constructive in political terms. Their only focus at the present time appears to be on resisting the advancing Sri Lankan army in the north east and planning what soft target they can next hit to destabilize life in the rest of the country. The LTTE attack on a cargo vessel supplying the north is to be condemned.

Accept responsibility

Often those who seek to promote peace in Sri Lanka focus their attention on the government rather than on the LTTE’s own role in reviving the peace process. The LTTE needs to accept the greater part of the responsibility for the present predicament of the Tamil people, and the peace process as a whole. When the LTTE took the fateful decision to coerce the Tamil voters in the north and east not to vote at the Presidential elections of November 2005 they effectively ended the peace process. The Presidential election offered two sharply contrasting visions of the short term future. One was internationally facilitated negotiations. The other was military and political confrontation.

In an astonishing gamble that now seems to have made no rational sense, the LTTE clearly rejected the option of peace through negotiations. It is difficult to understand how the LTTE expected the Tamil people to benefit by rejecting the option of continuing with the internationally facilitated peace process. The results on the ground over the past year clearly show that the LTTE’s calculation, whatever it was, has gone badly wrong. The LTTE also needs to recognize that their claim to be the sole representative of the Tamil people and their welfare seems unreal in the light of the suffering they have brought upon the Tamil people by their decisions.

There is an unhappy parallel from Bangladesh that those who are engaged in the ethnic conflict can learn from and hopefully seek to avoid. In 1995 the government of Bangladesh and a militant organization of the mainly Buddhist Chakma people, the PCJSS/ Shanti Bahini, signed a peace accord. The problems of the Chakmas in the Chittagong Hill Tracts are similar to those faced by the Tamils of the north east. The Chakmas allege discrimination against them by the ethnic Bengali majority-led government and seek self rule in their own areas, which the government of Bangladesh has been resisting.

When it was signed in 1995, the peace accord between the government and militants of Bangladesh was hailed locally and internationally. A group of Sri Lankan politicians went to the Chittagong Hill Tracts to study the peace process there and to meet with Shantu Larma, the militant leader. But today, many Chakmas see Shantu Larma as a block to progress. He and his organization are seen as stubbornly being locked in conflict with the much more powerful Bangladesh government. The Chakma people are frustrated as they want progress and not a continued confrontation with the government that is getting them nowhere. So they wait for Shantu Larma, who is now 72 years old, and not in the best of health, to pass away, so that constructive change may occur in the future.

LTTE leader Velupillai Pirapaharan has been praised in the past by those who supported him on account of his unchanging and unyielding nature. But this praise too has to change, along with Mr Pirapaharan’s attitude to a negotiated peace. He needs to make a positive response to President Rajapaksa’s political initiatives for a final political settlement. The LTTE needs to sincerely and publicly commit themselves to a process of negotiations for peace in which they, together with the government, mutually renounce the use of violence in the search for a just political solution. If there is no such change on the part of the LTTE, the people of Sri Lanka can expect is to fall back further in comparison to other rapidly developing Asian countries, while those people directly affected by the conflict continue to suffer more than others, like the Chakmas of Bangladesh.

Myanmar villagers flee conflict raging far from world's eyes


Yangon, January 23, 2007 : Even as fighting raged all around them, Pi Lu never thought she would have to uproot her eight children and flee their small village in eastern Myanmar.

She stayed even after her husband was killed in 2003, when he stepped on a landmine that had been planted in one of their rice paddies.

But over the last year, an offensive by Myanmar's military government to clear out villages in Pi Lu's ethnic Karen homeland escalated to a point where she could bear it no more.

Seven people in her village were killed in the shelling, and their animal herds were slowly decimated by landmines that littered the grazing areas around her village, she said.

"When the children went to sleep by artillery instead of lullabies, it was time to leave," she said.

So like thousands of others in Myanmar's impoverished and battle-scarred Karen state, Pi Lu fled with her family, trekking through the jungle for weeks until they found refuge in a camp hidden in the mountains near the Thai border.

Two of her children are sick with malaria in the camp's dirt-floored clinic, which has no properly trained medical personnel and little equipment other than bandages and antiseptic.

Most of the patients are suffering from malaria, chronic diarrhoea or landmine injuries in a conflict largely forgotten by the rest of the world.

"Along the road, they have no health care so they got many sickness. And so when they arrive here at the same time at our hospital, every bed is full," said a camp medic who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of his safety.

The camp, which didn't exist a year ago, now shelters some 2,500 people. Like Pi Lu, most journeyed by foot for weeks or even months before finding the relative safety of the camp's bamboo huts along a thin stream.

Human Rights Watch estimates that 27,000 Karen have fled since the offensive began nearly one year ago, joining an estimated 100,000 already hiding near the Thai border.

The brutality of Myanmar's offensive against the rebel Karen National Union was one of the main concerns raised in the US-backed resolution at the UN Security Council, which was vetoed Friday by China and Russia.

The Karen are just one of many ethnic groups targeted in the largest attempt to pacify minorities, many of whom have long struggled for self-determination in this country, formerly known as Burma.

The Karen's 57-year struggle for autonomy makes theirs one of the longest-running insurgencies in the world.

"Now the Burmese government has planted landmines on the farms on the routes back to the village, so these people cannot return safely back to their home or farm," said Sunai Phasuk, a Human Rights Watch representative in Thailand.

"They are pushing further and further away into the jungle, and some of them have reported being hunted like animals after they ran away," Sunai said.

And they continue to run.

Myanmar's ruling junta has pushed many villagers from their homes to create a security cordon around their new administrative capital Naypyidaw, where the government began operating nearly one year ago, according to rights groups.

But those who are relocated say the rape of women and forced labour for both sexes is common.

"They forced villagers to clear landmines and to rebuild roads on frontline areas," one Karen aid worker at the camp said.

Government workers on bulldozers also use Karen as human shields against landmines, making villagers walk in front of the bulldozers to clear a path through the jungle, he said.

"The conflicts and military offensives in ethnic areas, in Karen State, Karenni State, Shan State further north, we can confidently call it crimes against humanity already," Sunai said.

Those who have made it to the camp do not know where they will go next but say they cannot stay here.

Myanmar has signed deals with China and Thailand to build hydro-electric dams along this border, and some time soon this camp will be submerged deep beneath the nearby Salween River.

In the meantime, people living in this camp struggle along with little help and little concern from the outside world.

A proud heritage of Chittagong Hill Tracts


Khagrachari, January 23, 2007 : The 13 minor indigenous communities of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) have a deep rooted culture. One of these is weaving. Most of the women, including Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Rakhain, Tanchangya, Khumi, Banjughi and Bome, have the expertise to weave cloth. Their products include khaddar chadar, sari, bedcover, warm clothes and decorative household items. In fact, in some communities the skill of weaving is considered as the most essential criterion for marriage.

While cotton has to be collected from at least 150 local markets in the three hill districts of Khagrachhari, Rangamati and Banderban, the locals have the requisite machines (both handloom and waist loom) to weave cloth. By and large the machines are crafted out of local bamboo and wood. There are 20 handloom-based textile enterprises in the CHT, all located in Rangamati district while at least 50,000 waist loom based textile enterprises dot the three hill districts

After making clothes, bedcovers, bags or other handicrafts, the indigenous people stop by at local institutions such as Boyon, Hill Fashion, Banarashi, Paharika and Bain to sell their products.

"One full day goes into producing two bedcovers which we weave from 1kg cotton," said Konika Chakma, from Perachhara under Khagrachhari sadar upazila. Besides this they also make at least three handbags per day.

"Many rootless families have maintained their households through weaving. The small enterprises have boosted their confidence and given them financial strength," said Dr Sudin Kumar Chakma, a retired principal of Khagrachhari Government College.