My Life as a Refugee : By Antorika Chakma

After many ups and downs in life I finally attained the privilege of studying at the University. Yes, now I am a student of Chittagong University. I am the only Pahari (hill) student in my class. The rest belong to the majority Bengali community. It was easy for them to reach their present position, not so for me. I came here witnessing fear, cruelty, despair and the downfall of humanity. Many of my childhood friends could not make it beyond their school years. Their lives were torn apart by the uncertainties of life as they were victims of political unrest. Some were lost forever.

It is 28 years since the country gained independence. But ever since I gained consciousness, I had never thought that I was born in an independent country, or that I was a citizen of one. If it was independent, then why were we forced to leave our country and deprived of all our belongings and forced to seek shelter in another? Why did we have to become refugees time after time? At first, we had to take refuge in India after the riots of 1981. I was too young to recall much. Then again we had to go in 1986 amidst a state of riot and war.


Our village in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) was located on the border. I was then at primary school. The first term exams were on. In the middle of the exams the news came suddenly that violent riots and looting had broken out in the Panchari area. Houses had been burnt to ashes. People were fleeing. The situation in Khagrachari town too was bad. The army were raiding the houses and arresting the Paharis. The situation has been getting tense over the last few days. In a few places the Bengali settlers had been instigated to attack the Paharis. The army gave them support and the Bangladesh rifles were used to help them. The Shanti bahini had conducted a counter-attack. No sooner had the news reached every village, just after sunset, one could see in the distance the curling tongues of fire and the accompanying sound of firing. Thus by the end of the day everyone in the vicinity was fleeing helter-skelter. Cries, fear, desperation - all seemed to fill the air. Taking the minimum of things everyone fled the village in the darkness of night. No sooner had we crossed the border, we heard the deafening sound of gunfire saw tongues of flame burst around and behind us. Our houses were razed to the ground. After walking all night we arrived at the Border Security Forces (BSF) camp by morning. Men, women and children of all ages were gathering together in the camp seeking shelter. The people from our neighbouring villages had all fled their homes bringing nothing but themselves. At first the BSF was not willing to give shelter and wanted to forcefully send us all back to our homeland. But then all women and children started to cry and plead. They were without food since last night. The day was getting on. The long walk had tired out old people and children. They were stretched out in the open field. It was the first of May 1986. At 2 pm news were arriving that hundred of people were crossing the border at various points from other areas as well. They too were seeking shelter. As a result, the Indian government out of humanitarian concern had to provide shelter to the thousands of people. In the evening everyone was given some chira and gur (flat rice and molasses). Then for the time being we were taken to a school building at Shilachari for refugee. But it was not enough for so many people so they had to set up temporary shelters in the school field.

Registration as refugees began the next day. They were being given shelter in various places like Karbook, Takumbari, Pancharampara. The refugees were being given rations. At first I felt uncomfortable and wanted to cry out. Every woman and man had to stand in a line in order to get anything. Even in this environment babies were being born, sick people were dying. In this way, days, weeks, months went by. After about 3 to 4 months, when the construction of the refugee camp was finished, we had to leave the school centre for the main camp. We were sent to the Bagantila refugee camp. Rows of shelters were built from long thin bamboo poles. One shelter was meant for 13 to 14 families. There was about one square feet for one person. One had to lie on straw mats strewn on the damp and wet floors. A fearful coexistence with snakes and worms! Our family consisted of three sisters, two younger brothers, mother, father and the young boy. This was the condition in which we had to stay. We had no information of what the situation was back home. In the meantime, 1986 slipped by into 1987. In the whole year I had almost no connection with studies. The struggle for survival was primary. Even 1987 was slipping away. Our New Year Biju, witnessed this plight of humanity.

In the middle of the year, everyone in the camp took the initiative to open a school keeping in mind the future of their children. Those who were teachers would teach voluntarily. We did not know when the uncertainty of our refugee existence would come to an end. The host government, out of humanitarian consideration, provided us books and writing materials and paid the teachers 100 rupees each month. The year went by in this way. There was no indication of the situation improving in the hills. Many who had relatives to depend on back in the homeland, started to return. Some went on to join the Shanti bahini. But they were few in numbers and all of them were boys. Women in Pahari families shared almost the same position and stature as women of other races or nations. Thus a woman could not cross the border even if she wanted to. When a Christian missionary arrived to inspect the camps looking for children to adopt and keep in his mission so that they may be educated, my father also wanted him to take me. But the mission took only boys. Thus I stayed on at the camp.

Our parents became very worried about our futures. Thinking that we would probably have better education and future in a stable situation, they had thought that they would not return to our homeland. If one returned from being a refugee, the government was giving back the jobs. But return was not possible. There was pressure. It was often seen that even if one returned they would probably have to flee again. Thus only my elder sisters went back to study from my uncle's place.

Some were coming, some going. But how they managed to cross the border, God only knew! Refugees were often helpless. Rations were often not enough. There was no way one could earn by going outside the camp, because every week head counts would be made of each family member. If one were absent then their names would be struck off from ration and all services. If someone sought employment, then it would have to be the most degrading one of selling their own cheap labour. Some used to work the whole day for one or 2 kilos of rice.
Winter brought its own fierceness to the refugee camps. The scarcity of winter wear was added to the perpetual scarcity of food. I witnessed or rather had to witness the sight of several people huddled over a skimpy fire for the whole night. They did not have adequate protection from the winter. Of course the host government had given each family a blanket each. But was it possible to keep everyone warm with one piece of blanket? In the camps almost everyday someone or the other used to be punished, some for robbing rations and for selling their own bodies. Values were being eroded all around.

The years 1988, 1989 and 1990 rolled by. The uncertainty of returning home grew stronger within us. Some people who got fed up with the intolerable situation fled back home. In 1991, I graduated to the eighth grade at the camp school. Now I became the headache of my parents. Our schooling was not recognised by any educational authorities. No certificate could be given. Thus eventually I too had to flee camp leaving my parents behind. I left with an old couple. The fear, with which we fled from our homeland in 1986, accompanied us on our return flight. On top of it all I felt alone without my parents. I was feeling almost helpless while leaving my brothers behind and all this for the sake of education? My father used to say one who had no education, had no future. Educational qualification was the means for attaining freedom. At first I was hesitant, but then my father's words persuaded me to leave with the old couple.

Ah, the familiar Feni River that marked the border between India and Bangladesh. I was seeing it after five years! Some hired people as well as my father came with us up to the border. They left us there. The tears welled up inside me. I kept wondering why I had to continue my studies and wished I had not returned. On the other side the couples' son was waiting for them. We did not have to face much difficulty on the Bangladesh side. Some hired Bengalis were there as well. They helped us to reach a kyang in safety. The next day we registered ourselves at the nearby army camp as returnees. This was compulsory. Our things were checked thoroughly. After that we were off to Matiranga by car and from Matiranga to Khagrachari. My destination was my maternal uncle's house. My uncle was informed as soon as we reached Matiranga. I could see the marks of army occupation all around. My uncle came to pick me up. I had not seen my uncle for so long! Looking at him I was at once reminded of the family I had left behind in the refugee camp. I could contain my tears no longer. I broke down crying. My uncle took me back to Khagrachari. There, I got admitted into school. A new life started for me.

Two years went by in class eight and nine. In 1993, I came across my camp school friend Joshi. She too had fled camp and returned in the hope of getting an education. But she had to return to the refugee camp again. The relatives she was staying with could not afford the expense of giving her education as well as shelter. She said, "Your relatives are nice. You are lucky. Please study a little bit for us." The next day she returned to the refugee camp in despair. There she buried all her dreams and got married. I also got to know that Jonardon, the best student at the camp school had also come and returned in the same way. Apart from feeling sorry for them and sympathising with their plight there was nothing I could do.

In 1994, my parents returned with the first batch of refugees. The majority in this group was in government service. Then one by one, different members of our extended family returned and we were reunited once again. After a lot of speculation, the JSS entered into an agreement with the Bangladesh Government. In 1998 everyone returned to their homeland, their motherland. But there were some that had been lost forever. That is why when in 1998 when all our refugee relatives returned Dipon was not among them. Dipon was my cousin. He was two years younger than I. At the age of 15, this young boy could take no more of life's harshness and pain. Defeated, he had swallowed a bottle of pesticides and taken his life.

In 1998, my father and I had gone to Tabalchori to witness the return of the rest of our family. We were seeing them after seven years! I felt myself strangely hurting, as if a heavy stone was choking my throat. My eyes hurt as I saw the weathered and beaten people. Refugees meant destitution written large, financially, physically and most of all mentally. I stared with astonishment at girls and boys of my own age or even younger who had entered a strange lifestyle. Most young girls and boys had gotten married and had children. I glimpsed an old school friend, Samar and went up to him. "How are you Samar?" I greeted. "How have you been doing?" He replied spontaneously but letting out a sigh of despair, "What can I do? I am trying to help others. I don't share your luck." I learnt that he too had got married and was a father of a child. It made me think of what may have happened if I had not returned in '91, if I had no relatives on whom I could fall back on. If my relatives were like those of the other families who could not afford to give an education, then I too would have ended up like them. I could almost see myself mirrored in their image: tattered and torn in clothes and appearances, returning with a child in my lap. And then...

We had survived that life, but to what extent? Even today, almost every moment we live in fear and uncertainty. Imprisoned in our own surroundings. The world is still not equal for everybody. No one had the right to wreck these lives forever. When will the world be equal for everybody?



Book Notice:
1.Radhika Coomaraswamy, Preliminary Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, November 1994.
This preliminary report of Radhika Coomaraswamy delves into the issues of gender violence in the context of armed conflict and displacement. It not only talks about the kind of abuses refugee women or internally displaced women face, but also talks about legal resources available to them.

2. Roberta Cohen, Refugee and Internally Displaced Women: A Development Perspective, The Brookings Institution / Refugee Policy Group Project on Internal Displacement, November 1995.

Since women comprise the majority of displaced people, this report looks at the programme failures that arise from their inadequate participation in planning and implementation of programmes targeting internally displaced people. Cohen addresses the need to include women in relief and development programmes and to close the theoretical gap between relief and development. She looks at the needs for new policy orientations, better statistics on women, and better access for women to assistance, health care, employment opportunities and education, and greater participation and mobilization of women. The report calls for a merging of the gender-sensitive theories and guidelines for development with the programmes and planning methods of relief work. with internally displaced people.

3. Willem van Schendel, Wolfgang Mey, Aditya Kumar Dewan, The Chittagong Hill Tracts, Living in a Borderland, White Lotus Co., Ltd., 2000.

The Chittagong Hill Tracts: Living in a Borderland examines the borderland between Burma, India and Bangladesh, inhabited by twelve distinct ethnic groups with strong cultural and linguistic links with South-east Asia. The three authors assembled more than 400 mostly unpublished photographs, many in color, from over 50 private collections. The book introduces the reader to the cultural variety and modern transformations of this virtually unknown region bridging South-east Asia and South Asia. At the same time it explores how, from the 1860s to the late twentieth century, photographers have portrayed the Chittagong Hill Tracts and their inhabitants. Images of nature and destruction, different religion of the hills, bodies, and lifestyles. The Chittagong Hill Tracts is a comprehensive work on this region of Asia.

Tribal youth killed at Chhawmanu


Agartala, January 12, 2007 : A tribal youth was killed by insurgents of National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT-BM) at Chowmanu in Dhalai district on Wednesday night.

Police said a group of armed militants entered into the house of Hemanta Tripura and kidnapped his son, Gopaljoy Tripura (30) at gunpoint at around 8 pm.

Later, his bullet-riddled body was recovered from a nearby jungle. Soon after the killing, the insurgents left the place for unknown destination. Security forces launched a special operation to nab the insurgents but no one was arrested in this connection.

Police said the slain tribal youth was the son of Hemanta Debbarma, a ruling party´s leaders and chairman of Chilitacherrra Village Committee in ADC areas.

The incident triggered panic among the villagers. Ruling CPI (M) condemned the incident saying that the killing is aimed at disrupting peace in the area. The party also demanded immediate arrest of killers and to provide security to the innocent people.

Military must stay neutral in Bangladesh: HR Watch


Dhaka, January 12, 2007: Concerned over Bangladesh army's record, a global rights group has urged it 'avoid partisan sympathies and respect human rights' before and during next month's general elections.

'Past experience with Bangladeshi leaders deploying the military gives us serious cause for concern,' said Brad Adams, the Asia director of Human Rights Watch.

'During the last major deployment, in 2002, more than 50 people died after being arrested by troops,' Adams said.

Media reports have cited a home ministry document that says the military's role in the 2001 election was partisan and it favoured radical Islamist groups who targeted Hindu, Buddhist and Christian minorities on suspicion that they voted for the defeated Awami League-led alliance.

The military has played a powerful role in Bangladesh since it gained independence from Pakistan in 1971. Two presidents have been killed in military coups.

The last large-scale military deployment took place in October 2002, when the government ordered more than 40,000 personnel to fight soaring crime - a campaign that lasted 85 days. The army arrested over 10,000 people, at least 50 of whom died in custody in unclear circumstances.

Just before the operation ended in January 2003, the parliament passed legislation to ensure that no member of the armed forces could face prosecution for abuses during the campaign.

'Abusive members of the military have enjoyed near total immunity for their violent crimes in the past,' Adams said. 'If the military is to promote law and order today, it must respect the law.

'Given the military's record of human rights violations, it's crucial that the army follow strict rules limiting the use of force,' he said. 'The army is not trained in policing, and history shows it abuses people's rights when asked to work as police.'

The official noted media reports here that President Iajuddin Ahmed's decision to deploy the armed forces, taken Saturday, was unanimously opposed by his then 10-member Council of Advisors, The Daily Star said.

Ahmed ordered the deployment after weeks of some times violent protests that have led to about 40 deaths.

He said the deployment was necessary to 'ensure security of countrymen and to create a congenial and peaceful atmosphere ahead of polls'.

On Dec 10, the army, navy and air force deployed men throughout Bangladesh. The police banned gatherings around the presidential palace in Dhaka.

Media reports have said that sections of middle ranking military officials resented this move, as they did not wish to be embroiled in politics.

National elections are slated for Jan 23. Bangladesh is now governed by a caretaker administration run by President Ahmed, who also holds the portfolios of defence and home affairs.

A 14-party opposition coalition has staged regular demonstrations in recent weeks calling for electoral reform amid charges of bias by the caretaker government and large-scale voter registration fraud. More than 40 people have died and scores have been injured in pre-election protests.

On Dec 11, four members of the caretaker government advisory council resigned. One of them, human rights lawyer Sultana Kamal, said the entire cabinet had objected to army deployment.

'But he - did not care,' she told reporters. 'The deployment of the army is against the democratic process ... it can provoke the political parties and create obstacles to holding a free and fair election.'

The military deployment comes much earlier than in past electoral cycles, 44 days before the election is scheduled, compared to 13 days in 2001, 18 days in 1996, and 23 days before the 1991 vote.

Newspapers have reported that the army will have the power of arrest, but the government has not clarified this point.

Southern Thai violence leaves villager killed, schools torched, soldiers wounded


Bangkok, January 12, 2007 : Two schools were burned down Thursday night in southern Thailand by suspected Muslim insurgents, said police, who also blamed them for the shooting death earlier in the day of a villager and a bombing that wounded eight soldiers.

The attacks came on the third anniversary of a raid on an army weapons depot that marked the beginning of a sharp rise in Islamic separatist violence in the Muslim-dominated provinces of Narathiwat, Yala and Pattani, all in the far south of overwhelmingly Buddhist Thailand.

In the Jan. 4, 2004 raid in Narathiwat, dozens of unidentified armed men raided a military camp, killed four soldiers, and stole about 400 assault rifles.

No one was brought to justice for the raid, after which violence in the area escalated sharply, with almost daily shootings and small bombings. Almost 2,000 people, mostly civilians, have since been killed.

Authorities blame the insurgency on Islamic separatists who take advantage of long-standing resentment among southern Muslims, who feel they are treated as second-class citizens.

A police officer, who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to release information, said the insurgents were suspected of carrying out arson Thursday night on a kindergarten in Pattani's Kapho district and a public school in Narathiwat's Sungai Padi district.

Earlier in Narathiwat, a 19-year-old Buddhist villager was killed and his companion injured when shot by a motorcycle gunman in Rue So district, said another officer who also insisted on not being named for the same reason.

In Yala, eight soldiers were wounded when a bomb on the roadside exploded as the six-wheeled military truck in which they were riding passed by, said police Lt. Weerakit Kaewnuanching.

Both incidents were also blamed on the insurgents.

Bangkok Bans Buddha-Porn

Buddhists are known for their open-mindedness, but apparently it doesn't extend to the marriage of faith and porn, at least not in Thailand, where the government of 55 million followers is up in arms over an American porn site that uses an image of "Lord Buddha" as its logo. Based out of Chicago, buddha-porn.com features explicit images under categories such as Buddha Galleries and Nirvana Galleries. It also has a disclaimer stating "NO ONE BUDDHA WAS SUFFERED FROM THIS SITE!!!" and dismisses its use of religious symbols as "just a joke." The world's third largest Buddhist nation isn't laughing and has blocked access to the site, urging followers from around the world to condemn it.

While few would argue that religions aren't entitled to respect, it seems like Thailand's boycott may not be the best way to get it. After all, the fastest way to push traffic to a Web site is to have a government outlaw it publicly. And given how easy it is to produce a site, there's bound to be an increase in Buddha-related URLs hoping to siphon that traffic by piggy-backing on the name through searches. But beyond the futility of their action, isn't it a little off-putting that a country known for sex tourism and under age prostitution is trying to shut down a Web site because of religious iconography?

Bangladesh president steps down


Dhaka, January 12, 2007 : The president of Bangladesh declared a state of emergency Thursday evening, suspending certain fundamental rights, imposing a night time curfew and effectively postponing elections that were scheduled to be held in less than two weeks. He then resigned as the head of the caretaker government entrusted to run the polls, though he remains chief of state.

An alliance of political parties had threatened to boycott those elections, scheduled for Jan. 22. And in the last few days, as the nation of 140 million people has sunk deeper into political violence, international backing for elections has eroded.

President Iajuddin Ahmed said in a televised address late Thursday that it would be impossible to hold elections on the scheduled date, as that would be acceptable to all parties.

In his speech, he referred specifically to the contention that the voting rolls had been stuffed with 14 million bogus names, one of the main grounds cited for the boycott.

"We need a flawless voter list to ensure that the elections are free, fair and credible," Ahmed said, according to an Associated Press account of his speech.


He had previously insisted that he could not postpone the voting, as the opposition parties have demanded, because the Constitution required an election within 90 days of the resignation of a sitting government and appointment of a caretaker government. That took place in October 2006.

The emergency declaration by the president paves the way for the army to take control of law and order throughout the country, and it imposes restrictions on the news media. Such measures have not been taken in Bangladesh since the restoration of democracy in 1991 after years of military rule.

Ahmed said in his speech that an advisory council would be appointed in the next few days. He did not give a new date for the elections, which he said the council would conduct.

The state news agency reported that Ahmed saw his resignation as "essential to keep the economy going and maintain law and order."

The emergency declaration came a few hours after the United Nations suspended its technical support for the elections, saying that the voting would not be "considered credible or legitimate." Two teams of American election observers have withdrawn in recent days, and the European Union said that its team would not be sent as planned.

The alliance of political parties led by the Awami League, the main opposition party under the former government, said this week that beyond its planned boycott of the elections, it would "resist" them, which Bengalis understood to be a veiled threat of violence.

Before the president's speech Thursday, the British Foreign Office urged compromise so that "credible, peaceful and universally accepted" elections could be held.

But the clashes between the police and political groups in recent days appeared to portend further violence before the voting.

The country's two main leaders, Sheik Hasina Wazed of the Awami League and Khaleda Zia of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, have been contending with one another for power since democracy was restored.

Each party has spent time in power, and each has turned to using parliamentary boycotts, mass demonstrations and strikes while in opposition, giving the country a reputation for tumultuous, violent politics. Zia's party was in power most recently.

Thai Buddhist teacher dies after nearly 8 months in coma from Muslim mob attack

Bangkok, January 12, 2007 : A Buddhist teacher who was savagely beaten by a mob of Muslim villagers in restive southern Thailand last year died Monday after spending almost eight months in a coma, her doctor said.

Juling Kamphongmoon, an elementary school art teacher, was clubbed May 19 by a village mob until her skull shattered after being taken hostage in her classroom in Narathiwat province.

The brutal beating shocked Thailand and became a glaring example of tensions between Buddhists and Muslims in the country's three restive southern provinces where more than 1,900 people have been killed since an Islamic separatist movement flared in January 2004.

"We did everything we could have to save her," said Dr. Sumet Phirawut, the director of the Prince of Songkhla Hospital, where he said the teacher succumbed to a severe lung infection and low blood pressure.

Juling, along with another Buddhist teacher, was attacked and taken hostage by about 200 villagers angered by the arrest of two suspected Muslim rebels. The other teacher suffered injuries but survived the attack.

82-year-old arrested for rape in China

BEIJING, January 12, 2007 : Police in Beijing have arrested four men as old as 82 years for allegedly repeatedly raping and molesting a 14-year-old mentally handicapped girl, state press reported yesterday. The case unravelled after another 12-year-old girl was raped by one of the men in Beijing's Fengtai district last month, the Beijing News reported. Police arrested the 53-year-old suspect of that rape, who later confessed that the 14-year-old girl, identified as Xing, was also present during the crime, the paper said. Police interrogated Xing, who told them that three other men, aged 82, 70 and 50 had also been having illicit sexual relations with her for several months, the report said. All four confessed, it added.

UN 'deeply concerned' at Bangladesh poll crisis

Dhaka, January 12, 2007 : The United Nations yesterday suspended assistance with Bangladesh's controversial upcoming national election, saying an opposition boycott had left the polls "severely jeopardised".

"The United Nations is deeply concerned by the deteriorating situation in the country and urges all parties to refrain from the use of violence," a statement from the world body said.

"The political crisis in Bangladesh has severely jeopardised the legitimacy of the electoral process. The United Nations is concerned that Bangladesh's democratic advances and international standing will be affected if the current crisis continues," it added.

Bangladesh is due to go to the polls on January 22 despite a boycott by an alliance led by the main opposition Awami League.

The polls are being organised by an interim government which took power at the end of October and which the opposition claims is biased.

The UN has suspended "all technical support to the electoral process, including closing its international coordination office for election observers in Dhaka".

The statement also expressed regret at the suspension last Wednesday of plans by two Washington-based organisations, the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, to observe the election.

"The cancellation of numerous international observation missions is regrettable," it added. The opposition has accused the outgoing government of trying to rig the elections by appointing biased officials to an election commission which it alleges drew up a voter list with 14 million fake names.

It has staged dozens of national strikes and blockades which have repeatedly brought the country to a standstill and cost businesses in the impoverished country millions of dollars.

Britain's Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett also expressed concern over the boycott, as international pressure to resolve the political crisis grows.

"I have noted with concern the decision by some of the major parties to boycott the elections. I regret the lack of flexibility which has brought this about," she said yesterday.

"I call on the caretaker government and election commission to create the right atmosphere which will make all parties feel able to participate."

Buddhist organization raided over forced membership allegations

YOKOHAMA, January 12, 2007 : Police raided the headquarters of a Buddhist religious corporation and seven related facilities on Thursday, and arrested three members accused of forcing people to join the organization, law enforcers said.

Some 120 investigators took part in the search of the religious organization, Kenshokai, based in Saitama. Police said they had received 511 complaints and reports about the organization over the past five years and decided to launch a search on the possibility that the organization was systematically involved in forcing people to join, as there were similarities in the reports they received.

Arrested was Masanori Okawa, 28, and two other members, aged 19 and 30.

Investigators said the three invited a 20-year-old student they met at a video game arcade in Atsugi to dinner at about 7 p.m. on Sept. 24, and encouraged him to join the organization, saying "When one woman was converted, her cancer was cured."

After taking him to the Buddhist organization's Odawara Kaikan building in Odawara, they allegedly pressured him to give them his name and address and forced him to pray over a period of about two hours. The three have reportedly admitted to the allegations.

At about 8:30 a.m. on Thursday, about 50 investigators dressed in suits turned up at the organization's Saitama headquarters, and roughly 10 minutes later about a dozen uniformed riot squad officers arrived. Members entering and leaving the building appeared surprised, but there was no major trouble.

Police said Kenshokai has a nominal membership of 1.18 million people.

Monk reflects on a growing faith

Sydney, January 12, 2007 : The Buddhist monk sat lotus-style before a small group of rapt devotees in a nondescript Pinellas Park home. He taught about "loving friendliness" to all beings, about truth and about peace.

Bhante Henepola Gunaratana, who was visiting from a monastery he founded in West Virginia, appeared much younger than his 79 years. Originally from Sri Lanka, he is considered a pioneer of Buddhism in the United States. He said when he arrived in America in the 1960s, there were few books about the faith, and only scholars seemed interested in Buddhism.

Now the religion is growing rapidly in America and elsewhere, said Gunaratana, who warned those gathered that they must learn the correct interpretations of Buddha's teachings. "The truth does not change," said the man who has been a monk since he was 12.

According to the American Religious Identification Survey, done by the Graduate Center of the City University of New York, there were at least 1,082,000 adult Buddhists in the United States in 2001. Gunaratana and others believe there are many more now.

The religion is growing in the United States because of immigration and non-Asian converts, but it is probably growing fastest in Australia, the monk said.

Jim Cameron, an ordained Buddhist minister who runs the Bodhi Tree Meditation Center in Largo, which Gunaratana helped found in 1987, thinks the Tampa Bay area reflects the growth in Buddhism that can be seen nationwide.

"I think the Tampa Bay area may be the fastest growing in the U.S. I really believe that. There are 25 groups," Cameron said. "Buddhism addresses very fundamental human concerns, basic issues of life, and it offers a very practical approach."

During an interview Thursday, Gunaratana explained why he thinks the faith has grown.

"People are attracted to the Buddhist message of peace," he said. "This is the religion that has never had the history of shedding one drop of blood," the monk said, adding, however, that individual Buddhists have not all adhered to the teaching.

Other things also make the religion attractive, he said.

"It's because it is non-violent and non-discriminating. We have no discrimination, no gender discrimination. We emphasize meditation," he said.

The monk, who founded the Bhavana Society, a monastery in rural West Virginia, said his book on meditation, Mindfulness in Plain English, has been translated into 20 languages. Among his other books is Journey to Mindfulness, The Autobiography of Bhante G., written with former St. Petersburg Times reporter Jeanne Malmgren.

The Pinellas Park home was just one of several stops Gunaratana made while in the Tampa Bay area. He also planned to go to Miami and Boston, and to teach a course on a cruise ship.

He sat on a cloth-draped chair as he taught last week. Those who had come to hear him sat barefoot on the floor. A tiered altar covered with silky red fabric dominated the small living room. On it was a gold-toned statue of Buddha and offerings of candles, bouquets of flowers and bowls of fruit. Garbage trucks rumbled past the home as he gave his mid morning lesson.

The small home in Pinellas Park houses the Samadhi Buddhist Meditation Center run by Bhikkhuni Sudarshana, a Buddhist nun from Sri Lanka, and several monks. Sudarshana led a chant after Gunaratana's teachings and served the monk a vegetarian meal that included rice, a dish of lentils, noodles and vegetables. Monks must eat their two daily meals after sunrise and before noon, and their food must be in the form of offerings.

Gunaratana has been in the Tampa Bay area many times before. In 1987, when he was invited to Florida to celebrate Buddha's birthday, he helped found the Bodhi Tree Meditation Center. The 1-acre property in Largo includes a meditation hall, outdoor areas for walking meditation, a book-store, and a specimen of the Bodhi tree, under which Buddha is said to have found enlightenment. The center has Sunday gatherings and extended retreats.

Cameron is a staunch admirer of Gunaratana and says he has tried to emulate him in at least one area.

"When he addresses people, he always addresses people as friend, and many years ago, I started doing the same thing," he said. "I found it is transforming. It's such a connecting way with other human beings, no matter who they are."

The challenge to the Sangha in the 21st century


Colombo, January 12, 2007 :The Sangha, the order of fully ordained monks and nuns, is the visible representation of the Buddha in the world; for twenty-five centuries, it has sustained the continuity of the Dhamma among humankind; by its procedures of ordination and transmission it ensures that the Buddha's legacy remains alive.

How long will the Buddha Sangha continue to survive?
The presence of the Triple Gem thus depends upon the Sangha, which symbolizes the Third Gem, the ariyan Sangha or community of noble sages who have realized the ultimate, world-transcending truth.

The Sangha has survived for some 2500 years; that's longer than the Roman Empire, longer than all the dynasties of the Chinese emperors, longer than the British Empire. And it has survived without weapons, without financial resources, without armies, merely through the power of wisdom and virtue.

However, there is no guarantee that it will continue to survive or that it will continue to make vital and important contributions to human life. This is a task that depends on the members of the Sangha themselves, on each new generation of monks and nuns, and this is an extremely important task, because the future of Buddhism depends on the future of the Sangha.

As we know, the Sangha has always existed in close interaction with the Buddhist lay community. The relationship between the two is one of interdependence and collaboration.

In traditional Buddhism, the laity provides the members of the Sangha with their material requisites - robes, food, dwellings, medicines, and other material supports - while the Sangha provides the lay community with teachings and with examples of those who lead lives fully dedicated to the Dharma. For the Sangha to continue, this relationship must be maintained in some form, but the changes taking place in society may well place this relationship on a new footing.

The most weighty factor affecting the Sangha-laity relationship has been the transition, first, from a traditional social order to a modern social order, and then to a technological social order. Now the distinctive mark of this change is the shift from an emphasis on industrial production to the acquisition and distribution of information. This shift has already taken place throughout the West and in the most advanced social strata in all countries around the world.

It is sometimes characterized by saying that we are moving from the Industrial Era to the Information Era, from a production-based civilization to a knowledge-based civilization.

The transition to an "information-intensive" society will alter the nature of the Sangha-laity relationship in radical ways, and these will challenge the Sangha to come forth with novel solutions to preserve the relevance of the Dharma. I make no claim to be a prophet, and I can't foretell the future in detail, but judging from present trends, I will try to sketch some of the more important challenges facing the Sangha as I see them.

The role of higher education. In the Information Era, a high percentage of a country's population has acquired a university education. People have access to much greater stores of knowledge and information than they ever had in the past, and their understanding of mundane realities, and even of Buddhism, is much more sophisticated than in previous epochs.

They will expect the Dharma to measure up to the standards they have acquired through their academic training and won't simply accept the teachings presented by monastic teachers out of reverence and unquestioning trust in an age-old tradition.

They have been trained to question and inquire, and they will apply the same approach when they come to the study of Buddhism. Hence the monks and nuns have to be ready to answer questions. They can't expect to receive humble deference from the laity; they have to earn respect by clearly explaining the Dharma, and by explaining it accurately and convincingly.

The monks and nuns themselves will need to have received higher education, primarily in Buddhism but also in subjects indirectly related to the Dharma, such as modern philosophy and psychology and other relevant areas. Exactly how to integrate such mundane knowledge into a monastic curriculum is a difficult issue; the solution would have to be worked out by those responsible for monastic education.

The role of publishing. Closely related to the opportunities for higher education among the laity is the role of publishing. The use of writing transformed Buddhism sometime around the second century B.C.; and so beginning in the second half of the twentieth century, the printing press and commercial publication have transformed Buddhism.

There are now hundreds of books available in English on all aspects of Buddhism, both popular and scholarly, and many books are available in other languages. Thus any diligent student of the Dharma can acquire an extensive knowledge of Buddhism based on books.

The micro-computer has further revolutionized Buddhist Studies. Any diligent person with a notebook computer can store an entire Buddhist library, including several Tripitakas, on his or her hard disk. Through the internet they can access vast resources on Buddhism and engage in discussion groups on virtually every topic related to Buddhism.

Thus book knowledge of the Dharma isn't a special privilege of monks, and for a knowledge of Buddhist scriptures and commentaries, one is no longer dependent on the monastery, as one would have been in a traditional Buddhist culture. Buddhist Studies is also offered as a subject in universities and there are many outstanding lay scholars who are doing research in highly specialized areas of Buddhist Studies.

For us, this raises the question what we as monks will have to offer. I would say that our task will not be to compete with lay Buddhist scholars. We should certainly seek to acquire scholarly knowledge of Buddhism, from as many reliable sources as possible, and we should learn from lay scholars when necessary.

But what the Buddhist monastic life offers is an opportunity to put Buddhism into practice; it gives the opportunity to combine study of the texts with the living application of their principles in a life based on faith, devotion, and commitment to the Triple Gem. We have to unite scholarly knowledge with practice, intellectual understanding with faith and commitment. We cannot settle for mere knowledge without practice; nor can we have blind practice without clear intellectual understanding.

The role of mental training. The Dharma will convince people not only by its intellectual appeal, not only by its practical ethics, but particularly by its system of mental cultivation. This is what distinguishes Buddhism from virtually all other religious systems: its emphasis on the central role of the mind in determining our happiness or suffering, and the practical methods it offers for training the mind.

So a very important "door of entrance" to the Dharma for many people is the practice of meditation. This is the special "door" for those who come from non-Buddhist backgrounds, as has been particularly the case in the West. But meditation has also been a "door" for traditional Buddhists who approach the Dharma from scientific backgrounds and bring along skeptical, inquisitive minds.

I don't think meditation alone is the answer, and in this respect I am critical of those teachers in the West who want to extract meditation from Buddhism, rejecting Buddhist doctrine and religious faith. I think a balanced approach is necessary: a triple balance between faith-and-devotion, the study of Buddhist teachings, and the practice of meditation.

Faith transforms the emotions, study brings right view, and meditation brings tranquility and insight. Many people today are first attracted to the Dharma through meditation. Once they gain concrete benefits through meditation, their interest in the Dharma will be awakened and then they can be gradually led to an understanding of Buddhist doctrine, to the study of Buddhist texts, and then to faith, devotion, and even the monastic life.

The Sangha as offering challenges. The Sangha seeks to preserve and honour ancient traditions, and to live without being encumbered by a excessive number of conveniences.

In this way, the Sangha challenges others to adopt a frugal lifestyle, to respect what is ancient, to honour and revere the natural environment. In the modern world violence is exploding between people of different ethnic and religious groups, who are convinced they can solve their problems by the use of force.

The Sangha is based on the principle of non-violence, on the conviction that patience, discussion, and compromise is essential to harmony between human beings. Thus the Sangha challenges people to solve their problems through mutual understanding, tolerance, and loving-kindness.

By upholding the world-transcending Dharma, the Sangha challenges all our attempts to settle down and find a comfortable place in the world; it challenges people to understand that the supreme wisdom, our ultimate freedom, lies beyond the boundaries of the world.

A voice of conscience. This leads me to speak about one other major challenge facing the Sangha in today's world.

Today vast, terrible problems are crushing the lives of millions of people and threatening untold harm to countless others. I have in mind such problems as raging ethnic conflicts and destructive wars that take dreadful death tolls among innocent civilians, including women and children.

I think of oppressive governments that imprison their citizens without just cause, torture and torment them, and hold even the free citizens in a constant state of fear. I think of the gap between the rich and the poor, and between the rich nations and the poor nations. I think of the ravenous illnesses that claim millions of lives among poor people around the world, illnesses that could be easily eliminated at minimal costs.

I think of the degradation faced by millions of women forced into lives of prostitution, often by their own families, on account of their poverty.

I think of the hundreds of billions of dollars squandered each year, all around the world, on weapons of enormously destructive power, while perhaps half the people in the world barely obtain enough nutritious food to sustain them each day.

And finally I think of the reckless ways in which we are degrading our environment - our air, our water, our soil, our food - without any concern for future generations. In my view, it is a task for the Sangha to serve as the voice of Buddhist conscience in the world.

That is, the Sangha at least its most prominent members - should be capable of giving expression to Buddhist ethical values in dealing with these vast, overwhelming problems that confront humanity today.

Monks kick-start visit

Henan Province, January 12, 2007 : In their street clothes of baseball caps, fluorescent shorts and T-shirts, the five boys look like most other teenagers.
But orange robes transform them into Shaolin Warriors, fighting enigmas whose lithe bodies contort seemingly beyond logic while their faces remain serene portraits of Zen Buddhist control.

In town to perform their new show Shaolin Warriors: Legendary Masters of Kung-Fu at the Lyric Theatre this week, manager Wei Ming said the tour was a chance for the troupe of 24 monks to experience the world.

"For most of the year they stay in the Songshan Shaolin Temple (in Henan Province, central China) and meditate, train and stand guard over the temple," Wei said.

"It is pretty tough for them to do international tours – they have to get used to the different cultural environment and the different food.

'But it's good for the young boys, who are so energetic and curious about everything. They love to watch television and movies, and see the beautiful scenery of Australia.

"But they are not that isolated – their temple may be located in the mountains but it's open to the world."

He said the monks also found it difficult to deal with the relaxed routine of the tour.

At home, they are usually up at 4am for an hour of meditation, another hour of martial arts training, breakfast and then a full day guarding the temple.

Then it's back to training and meditation late into the night.

Add to that the rehearsals needed to prepare for the tour, and it's easy to understand why all the monks in this year's show are new to the tour.

"All of the cast is new because it's kung-fu and to perform you need a very high energy level. There's only 24 people on stage. So they need the stamina of a young age to do it," Wei said.

There's also new moves – watch out for men balancing on spears, a lettuce being chopped with a sword while resting on a bare stomach and a battering ram forcefully applied to a torso.

Ouch. Don't try that at home – unless you are a Buddhist monk.

United States submits Burma Resolution to UN Security Council

New York,12 January 2007 : The United States introduced a resolution in the Security Council on January 9 that would set out key actions Burma's rulers must take to reduce the threat to peace and security in the region and provide a better life for their people, the U.S. State Department said.

Emerging from a closed Security Council meeting January 9, acting U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Alejandro Wolff said he presented a two-page draft resolution to the other 14 council members. Negotiations on the text will begin immediately, Wolff told journalists. "We expressed our priority and the expectation we will be able to [vote] as quickly as possible, hopefully this week."

"The people of Burma (now officially known as Myanmar) are watching us and require our help and support," he said.

Wolff said the United States discussed the need for a resolution with other council members and U.N. officials. "There was clear agreement and consensus that the situation in Burma is of concern," he said. "So the time is right to do it now."

The draft resolution calls on the regime to work with U.N. special representative Ibrahim Gambari, who last visited Burma in November 2006, meeting with top government officials, the leaders of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi who is currently under house arrest.

Her opposition NDL won a landslide in Burma’s parliamentary elections but the ruling military junta refused to concede power.

After his visit, Gambari told the Security Council that "small steps have been taken" by the government, but the leaders need to take further steps to respond to the concerns of the international community. "The ball is clearly in the court of the government," Gambari said.

The draft resolution calls attention to the deteriorating overall situation in Burma that poses serious risks to peace and security in the region. In addition to focusing on the political repression and large-scale human rights violations, the draft mentions the transnational threats the Burmese situation poses from HIV/AIDS, avian flu and drug trafficking.

The U.S. draft calls on Burma "to take concrete steps to allow full freedom of expression, association and movement by unconditionally releasing Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners, lifting all constraints on all political leaders and citizens and allowing the NLD and other political parties to reopen their offices."

Wolff said that of the thousands of prisoners released by Burma on January 3, only 40 actually were political prisoners. "If you check the facts, you'll find that there are more political prisoners today than there were a year ago in Burma," he said.

On January 8, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon called on Burma to free all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest for 10 of the past 16 years.

The draft calls on the regime to cease military attacks against civilians in ethnic minority regions and to end the use of systematic rape of women and girls as an instrument of armed conflict. It also underscores the urgent need for Burma to allow international humanitarian aid organizations to operate without restrictions. (US State Department contributed to this report)

United Nations Secretary General wants a peaceful election in Bangladesh

New York,January 12, 2007 : Warning that the political crisis in Bangladesh has “severely jeopardized the legitimacy” of this month’s planned elections, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon urged all sides to refrain from violence and seek compromise, adding he hopes the army will continue to play a neutral role.

“The announced cancellation of numerous international observation missions is regrettable. The United Nations has had to suspend all technical support to the electoral process, including by closing its International Coordination Office for Election Observers in Dhaka,” Mr. Ban’s spokesperson said in a statement referring to the country’s capital.

“The United Nations is deeply concerned by the deteriorating situation in the country, and urges all parties to refrain from the use of violence. It is hoped that the army will continue to play a neutral role, and that those responsible for enforcing the law act with restraint and respect for human rights.”

“The United Nations urges the non-party Caretaker Government and Election Commission to create a level playing field and ensure parties can have confidence in the electoral process.”

“The United Nations is concerned that Bangladesh’s democratic advances and international standing will be negatively affected if the current crisis continues. It urges all concerned to seek a compromise that will serve the interests of peace, democracy and the country’s overall well-being.”

The impoverished South Asian nation is slated to hold national elections on 22 January, but demonstrations and clashes between supporters of rival political groups since late October have left many people dead, according to media reports. A multi-party opposition alliance has also reportedly boycotted the polls.

New Sangha Nayake for Scandinavian countries

Colombo, January 12, 2007 : Ven. Kirindigalle Dhammaratana Thera is to be bestowed with the post of Sangha Nayake of Scandinavian Countries by the Malwatta Chapter of Siyam Maha Nikaya.

In this connection, subsequently a special reception to felicitate Ven. Dhammaratana Thera’s contribution to the Sasana will be held at the BMICH in Colombo at 3.00 pm on Tuesday, January 16.
Ven. Kirindigalle Dhammaratana Thera is the Chief Incumbent of Stockholm Buddhist Vihara in Sweden, Copenhagen Buddhist Vihara in Denmark, Maratugoda Vidumina Pirivena, Kirindigalle Meghagiri Viharaya, Wellawa Talotuwa Priyantharamaya, Lunukadawella Raja Maha Viharaya is known throughout the island and internationally for his outstanding services to Buddhist education as well as the Buddha Sasana.

His efforts for the upliftment of educational, social and cultural spheres of Sri Lanka are highly commendable. He has earned a great reputation as a Dhamma orator and a missionary monk nationally and internationally, particularly in Scandinavia.

Born on November 17, 1942 in Kirindigalle, (Hiriyala Hathpatthuwa of Kurunegala District) as a son of Dahanayake Mudiyanselage Tikiri Banda, Ayurvedic Physician, and Mrs. Herath Mudiyanselage Loku Menike, he has had his primary education at Government School in Kirindigalle.

In 1956, at the young age of 14, he entered the Sasana as a monk under the name of Kirindigalle Dhammaratana. This event significantly coincided with the Buddha Jayanthi 2500.

Following the successful completion of basic education at Maliyadeva Maha Pirivena in Kurunegala he joined the Vidyalankara University for higher education and obtained his Bachelor of Arts (Hon) Degree in 1963.

He obtained higher ordination (upasampada) in 1964 at Malwatta Maha Viharaya in Kandy. Subsequently he successfully completed examinations of the Oriental Studies Society. He obtained the Diploma in Education from the University of Colombo in 1984, and the Master’s Degree at the Sri Jayawardhanapura University in 1987.

In 1969, he was instrumental in establishing the Vidumina Pirivena with his most respected ‘Guru’ Ven. Owisa Sri Medhananda Nayake Thera and Ven. Gallelle Sri Ratnajothi Nayaka Thera.

Being its first principal he was able to produce a large number of qualified pupils and lay educationists. In 1978 he was appointed as an external visiting lecturer of the Kelaniya University.

With his untiring efforts Sri Sudharmodaya Pirivena was established at Meghagiri Viharaya in Kirindigalla for the benefit of novice monks. In 1989 he visited Sweden and spent a year propagating the Dhamma.

After returning to the island he served as Coordinating Officer of Pirivena Education in the Central Provincial Ministry of Education.
He served there until his retirement. During his long career he did yeoman service to strengthen Buddhist education.

In 1995 he was appointed as the Abbot of Stockholm Buddhist Vihara in Sweden. He made the temple a centre for the propagation of the Dhamma in Scandinavian Countries, namely Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Finland and Iceland, and especially in languages such as Sinhala, Pali, Sanskrit, English and Swedish which has helped the Thera with his Dhammadutha activities.

Ven. Dhammaratana Thera who is very much concerned and interested in social services in Sri Lanka has established ‘Sri Devo’ (an NGO) for the benefit of the many and registered it with the Ministry of Social Services.

He travelled throughout the world and has closely observed the Buddha word ‘Caratha Bhikkhave Charikan, Bahujana Hitaya Bahujana Sukhaya’ (Oh Bhikkhus, travel and ravel for the betterment of the people). He has become a renowned Dhamma Orator in several European and Asian countries including England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Italy, Japan, China, Taiwan, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Singapore.

He represented Sri Lanka and Scandinavia in several international Buddhist conferences. His impeccable character is appreciated without any discrimination by all. He was able to face challenges with courage and determination.

Landslides kill 8, displace over 2,000 in Sri Lanka

COLOMBO, Jan 12 , 2007 : Eight people were killed and more than 2,000 displaced by landslides in Sri Lanka's central tea-growing hills due to heavy rains on Friday, police said.

Sri Lanka's central hills are prone to landslides due to heavy monsoon rains, particularly in the district of Nuwara Eliya renowned for its lush plantations, where Friday's incident occurred.

"There is a helicopter to evacuate about 2,000 people from the area, but it is still finding a place to land," a police spokesman in Colombo told Reuters.

Yangon releases detainees, move dubbed cynical ploy

YANGON, January 12, 2007 : Myanmar’s junta has released five political prisoners at a time when the country’s pariah regime is coming under increasing pressure to implement democratic reforms and show respect for human rights, officials and commentators said Thursday.
Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Htay Kywe, Min Zeya and Pyone Cho, leaders of the 88 Generation Students dissident group who have been under detention since September, were released late Wednesday from the Aung Thapyay camp outside Yangon.
Htay Kywe said their releases had been “unconditional”.
The five 88 Students leaders were detained for interrogation and were never officially charged.
Htay Kywe said they had been questioned about their international connections. “All of us told the authorities that the country needs national reconciliation and peaceful discussion to resolve the prevailing conflict,” he said.
The 88 Generation Students, made up mostly of former students who participated in the 1988 pro-democracy movement, is one of the few active dissent groups operating in military-run Myanmar.
The group last year organised non-violent political activities, such as prayer protests and signature campaigns, to draw attention to the ongoing detention of opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been under house arrest in Yangon for the past three years.
The release of the five dissidents comes at a time when Myanmar is under growing international pressure to free Suu Kyi and push through democratic reforms, giving rise to some question about the timing of their release.
“This looks like nothing but a cynical ploy to stop the UN Security Council from taking action,” said Aung Din, policy director of New York-based US Campaign for Burma.
The UN Security Council is weighing its first-ever resolution on Myanmar this year after agreeing to place the South-East Asian country on its permanent agenda for the first time in history in September.
Myanmar, a member of the Association of South-East Asia Nations (Asean), has also come under increasing pressure from its neighbours to resolve its political impasse that has seen Suu Kyi’s democratically elected National League for Democracy party blocked from assuming power by the ruling junta for the past 17 years.
Yesterday Asean foreign ministers who met in Cebu, Philippines, once again rebuked Myanmar for the slow pace of democratic reforms as they began preparatory meetings ahead of a leaders’ summit starting tomorrow.

Bangladesh Election 2007: A contest between jehadis and democratic forces ?

New Delhi, January 12, 2007 : Bangladesh is populated by 141 million people. 88% of them are Muslims. It is one of the poorest countries in the world. It was ranked the most “corrupt state” in the world for five consecutive years (2001-05) by Transparency International, a German-based independent international organization that studies corruption in various countries.

The 2001 general elections in Bangladesh voted a four-party coalition led by Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to power. Jamaat-e-Islam and Islamic Okyo Jote are the two major partners of the coalition widely known for their extreme Islamic radicalism.

Many Islamic extremist groups and organizations mushroomed under the Khaleda Zia government and gained strong ground in the Islamic state (in the sense of recognition of Islam as “state religion”: Part I, Article 2 A, Bangladesh Constitution). A study conducted by the Daily Star, an English daily in Dhaka, “over several months”, as it claims, has come up with some startling information. It identified the presence of over 30 extremist Islamic radical networks in the country.

The study, entitled “Inside the Militant Groups-1: Trained in foreign lands, they spread inland”, says “…Over 30 religious militant organizations have set up their network across the country since 1989 with the central objective of establishing an Islamic state. Many of them have given armed training to their members to conduct jihad” (The Daily Star, Internet edition, 21 August 2005, Dhaka).

Some of these groups and organizations are Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), Qwami Madrassa, Sama Adhikar Andolan (mainly active in the Chittagong Hill Tracts), Harkatul Jihad, Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Islami Biplobi Parishad, Shahadat Al Hiqma, Hizbut Towhid, Hizb-ut-Tahrir, Ahle Hadith Andolon, Towhidi Janata, Bishwa Islami Front, Juma'atul Sadat, Al Jomiatul Islamia, Iqra Islami Jote, Allahr Dal, Al Khidmat Bahini, Al Mujhid, Jama'ati Yahia Al Turag, Jihadi Party, Al Harkat al Islamia, Al Mahfuz Al Islami, Jama'atul Faladia, Shahadat-e-Nabuwat, Joish-e-Mostafa, Tahfize Haramaine Parishad, Hizbul Mojahedeen, Duranta Kafela, Muslim Guerrilla, Al-Haramain Foundation (AHF) and Al Rabeta Foundation.

The study reveals that these groups have a “nexus with mainstream political parties’ and “unrelenting access to arms”, and the government’s “blind eye” made it possible for them to thrive in Bangladesh.

Many activists of these groups, says the study, are Afghanistan and Palestinian war veterans who fought there after receiving training in Pakistan, Libya and Palestine. After returning to Bangladesh, they scattered over the country and started militant activities. Initially, a number of them set up madrasas as cover, mainly toeing the Qwami line, which is the more orthodox system of Islamic education and needs no government registration. They chose the forests of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), mosques and the Qwami madrasas mainly in the north to train their activists.

Camps of these Jehadis with arms are specifically visible in Muslim dominated areas in Bandarban Hill District of the CHT like Ruma, Lama, Alikadam and Nakhyangchari and Teknaf, Ramu and Cox’s Bazaar areas in Southern Chittagong. Many of these Jehadis reportedly live in Rohingha refugee camps and settlements in Bandarban and Southern Chittagong and provide training, arms and funds to them to fight against the authorities in Myanmar.

The Jehadi groups and organisations are funded by Saudi and Kuwait-based Islamic organizations, like Islamic Heritage Society (RIHS), and have connections with international Islamist terrorist groups like al-Qaeda, Taleban and Jamia-Islamia (Indonesia) [The Daily Star, 21 August 2005, Dhaka]. Many remnants of al-Qaeda and Taleban fled to Bangladesh after the US-led coalition strikes on Afghanistan and Pakistan’s drive under US pressure to crack down on “Islamic terrorist groups” in its territory. They have regrouped in Bangladesh with support from the BNP-led coalition government, military establishments and home-grown Jehadi forces. A reporter rightly grasped this fact in his despatch captioned "Bangladesh is Now New Rest Stop for Fugitives" (The Herald, 23 October 2002).

Poverty and corruption in the poor Islamic state and the sympathy and support of the coalition government were used by these "fugitives" highly trained in sophisticated arms and terrors and rich in resources. It led to the creation of a suitable environment for resurrection of national and international Jehadi forces in the country. This is obviously the reason why Eliza Griswold predicts Bangladesh to be "The Next Islamist Revolution" (The New York Times Magazine, 23 January 2005). In fact, Bangladesh is now a new meeting point of national and international Islamic Jehadi forces. This fact has also been well-documented in the Alex Perry’s "Deadly Cargo" (The New York Times Magazine, 21 October 2002) and Bertil Lintner’s "Bangladesh: A Cocoon of Terror" (The Far Eastern Economic Review, 4 April 2002).

The Jehadi forces have already shown the colon of their activities in the following incidents:

1. Assassination of opposition leaders (bomb blasts on the Awami League rally on 21 August 2004 in Dhaka in which former Prime Minister Ms. Sheikh Hasina was narrowly survived and dozen of her party colleagues were killed, bomb blasts killing former Finance Minister Shah S. A. M. S. Kibria along with four other opposition leaders on 27 January 2005 in Dhaka)

2. Violent attacks on Western interests (grenade hurling on the British High Commissioner on 21 May 2004 in Sylhet apparently for UK’s role in the US-led "coalition campaign" in Afghanistan and Iraq)

3. Control over and suppression of independent media persons, human rights activists, intellectuals and indigenous political leaders [bomb blasts at Khulna Press Club hurting four journalists on 4 February 2005, threat to the office of the Bengali daily Prothom Alo in Dhaka on 19 August 2004, killing of a Dhaka University professor Humayun Azad on 11 August 2004, threat to “controversial” writer and feminist Taslima Nasreen and writer and minority rights activist Salam Azad which forced them to flee the country for personal security recently, barring the PCJSS (Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti, the only political organization representing the Jumma indigenous people) President and CHT Regional Council Chairman Jyotirindra Bodhipriyo Larma from attending the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues held in May 2004 in New York and blocking the passport of Rupayan Dewan, Vice-President, External Relations, PCJSS];

4. Coordinated explosions of over 500 bombs across the country at the same hour on 17 August 2005 by the Jehadi forces as part of their showdown;

5. Systematic atrocities, ethnic-cleansing and racial discrimination against the indigenous peoples and religious minorities (blatant violation of the CHT Accord signed between the PCJSS and the previous Awami League government in 1997, violent communal attack on the 14 indigenous villages on 26 August 2003 in Mahalchari, military crackdown on indigenous political and student activists on 25 May 2004 in Guimara and growing religious intolerance and atrocities against Hindus, Buddhists and Christians in plain districts); and

6. The largest arms haul with over 1 million ammunitions on 1 April 2004 in Chittagong is linked with Bangladeshi and international Jehadi groups. Interestingly, the authorities often implicate innocent Jumma indigenous people with "illegal arms" and highlight their photos in government-controlled media to cover up the existence of these groups and to divert the attention of the international community from the growing menace of Jehadi forces in the country and to justify the Bangladeshi military regime in the CHT.

But the Prime Minister Khaleda Zia on 1 July 2003 told parliament that no al-Qaeda men exist in Bangladesh. "There are no fundamentalists or zealots in the country," she told Ulemas (Islamic scholars) on 6 September 2003. However, as early as March 8, 1999, Islami Oikya Jote Chairman Fazlul Haq Amini told a public meeting, “We are for Osama [bin Laden], we are for the Taliban and we will be in government in 2000 through an Islamic revolution”

"An Islamic revolution will take place by Qwami madrasas," Amini said at an Islamic conference in Comilla on March 1 this year. "By terming us gun runners and terrorists, Qwami madrasa movement cannot be stopped," he added.

The Jehadi forces are reportedly using the Southern CHT, Cox’s Bazaar, Ukhiya and Teknaf as routes to smuggle illegal arms from South-east Asian countries. Recently, news was flashed in Bangladesh media regarding procurement of illegal arms by Jehadi groups and their allied political gangs. Experts have voiced concern over possible use of these illegal arms by them against their political oppositions before and during the elections.

The BNP-led four-party coalition government demitted office on 28 October at the end of its five-year term. However, it left a Caretaker Government -- consisting of eleven Advisors headed by the President Iajuddin Ahmed and assisted by the Secretaries of various government departments and a so-called "neutral" Election Commission -- fully manned with BNP–Zamat party cadres and supporters and Jehadi forces and strongly backed by military officers.

BNP’s four-party coalition has made a “fraudulent” voter list in which 10.7 million voters, who are believed to be supporters of the Awami League led 14-party alliance, have not been included. Nonetheless, over 100,000 Rohingha refugees from Myanmar, who are believed to be supporters of the BNP and its allies, have been included.

If the caretaker government manages to have its way, it will bring back to power BNP coalition and Jehadi forces to power. The 14-party alliance has hit the streets to expose these designs. They have set conditions for their participation in the election. These conditions include constitution of a non-biased and neutral Election Commission, preparation of a new voter list that includes all eligible voters.

Out of the ten, four members of the Advisors to the Caretaker Government have resigned in protest of the "dictatorial" and "pro-BNP-Jamaat" role of the President Iajuddin Ahmed in the election process. And his response was deployment of the military country-wide to look after the "law and order" situation. With this order the Caretaker Government has granted a license to the military to kill the leaders of the opposition alliance. It has legalized repression of indigenous people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts by the military and electoral frauds by BNP-led coalition in the region.

I conclude my write-up with the words of an eminent minority rights activist of Bangladesh (name is being withheld for security reasons): "Bangladesh election 2007 is a contest between Jehadis and democratic forces. No democratic and progressive force will survive in Bangladesh if the Jehadis come to power in this election."

17 minority candidates for polls

Rangamati, January 12, 2007: Leading minority rights activists and political leaders have criticised the major political alliances for nominating a few religious and ethnic minority candidates in the forthcoming general elections.

They observed that the political parties contest the polls to go to ‘power in exchange for anything’ and field a minority person only when they do not find a potential candidate from the majority community, which is ‘disgraceful’ and ‘unfortunate’ in terms of democratic equality of majority and minority communities.

The two major political combines, led by the Awami League and the BNP, and an organisation representing three religious minority communities have nominated only 17 minority candidates for the same number of seats of the 300-strong parliament.

Out of the 17, only five candidates have been nominated by the BNP. They are Nitai Roy Chowdhury for Magura-1, Dhirendra Nath Saha for Narail-1, Gautam Chakrabarty for Tangail-6, Dipen Dewan for Rangamati and Sachin Pru Jeri for Bandarban constituencies.

The fundamentalist Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, a major ally of the BNP, was, however, still trying to influence BNP to nominate its [Jamaat] own candidate Maulana Abdus Salam Azad depriving Sachin Pru Jeri for Bandarban.

On the other hand, BNP’s arch-rival Awami League has nominated 11 minority candidates. They are: Ramesh Chandra Sen for Thakurgaon-1, Manoranjan Sheel Gopal for Dinajpur-1, Satish Chandra Roy for Dinajpur-2, Sadhan Majumdar for Naogaon-1, Narayan Chandra Chanda for Khulna-5, Pramod Mankin for Mymensingh-1, Suranjit Sengupta for Sunamganj-2, Moni Swapan Dewan for Chittagong-15, Kujendra Lal Tripura for Khagrachari, Laxmi Prashad Chakma, a vice-president of the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity [PCJSS], for Rangamati and Bir Bahadur for Bandarban constituencies.

The Bangladesh Hindu Bouddha Christian Oikya Parishad, a major organisation of the religious minorities—Hindu, Buddhist and Christian—nominated Binod Bihari Chowdhury, a leader of anti-British Raj movement, for the Chittagong-9 constituency.

Of them 10 candidates are from religious minorities and the rest 7 from ethnic minority groups.

Of the total 17, ten are from Hindu community and six from Buddhist and one from Christian communities.

The minority rights leaders strongly resented the attitude of the political parties and organisations in question terming it religious chauvinism.

CR Dutta Bir Uttam, one of the three presidents of the Bangladesh Hindu Bouddha Christian Oikya Parishad, described the picture as ‘disgraceful’. ‘We are aggrieved,’ he told New Age. ‘We constitute 2.5 crore [minority] people and the parties could have easily accommodated minority candidates in some 25 per cent of the constituencies.’

‘Now we need to think in a different way as both the Awami League and the BNP seem to be indifferent to our causes,’ he said.

He, however, evaded a question if the Oikya Parishad would emerge as a political party as it fielded a candidate, for the first time, to contest the national polls. ‘I don’t know.’

Sanjeeb Drong, general secretary of Bangladesh Adivasi Forum, an organisation working for ethnic minority communities, found the situation as an obvious effect of the tendency of the political leadership for ‘power in exchange for anything’. ‘They dream of power only,’ he told New Age. ‘I am not at all surprised that the political parties, who have hardly any commitment to the rights and welfare of the ethnic and religious minorities, have nominated a few candidates from the minority communities.’

Elbart P Costa, secretary general of the Bangladesh Christian Association, said, ‘Political parties should have nominated more eligible minority candidates.’

Gayeshwar Chandra Roy, a joint secretary general of the BNP, said, ‘The political culture has changed in last few years. In most of the cases, the major parties select candidates who are wealthy and have potential to win.

On the other hand, there are a small number of minority political leaders who have successfully groomed themselves to adapt to the changing political climate,’ Gayeshwar said. ‘The irony is that the political parties field a minority person only when they do not find an aspirant from the majority Muslim community having a fair chance to win a seat.’

‘The parties should groom potential young political leaders remaining above majority or minority bias,’ he said.

The BNP did not nominate Gayeshwar in the 1991, 1996 and 2001 elections, as well as in the ensuing 2007 polls, for either Dhaka-3 or Dhaka-9, the constituencies he sought to contest for, only to accommodate other leaders who happened to be members of majority Muslim community.

The constitution of the BNP says the party will take all-out and specific steps to create scope so that people of all walks of life…including members of the backward communities…can participate in nation-building activities.

Asim Kumar Ukil, an Awami League central leader, described the situation as ‘unfortunate’ in terms of democratic equality of majority and minority community. ‘It is unfortunate. I hope the political leadership will uphold democratic values by nominating more eligible candidates from the minority communities.’

The Awami League constitution says the party shall adopt appropriate measures ... ‘to ensure … the rights [of citizens] irrespective of religion, caste, sex, community, ethnic identity and so on….’

Settler attack - 6 persons injured

Khagrachari, January 12, 2007:An unprovoked settler attack in Ramgarh town under Khagrachari district has left at least 5 Jummas and a member of Barua community wounded.

The attack took place at around 1:30 p.m. today when a group of settlers led by Nuru Commissioner began beating whoever they caught hold of in T&T area of the town. The settlers also made attempts to torch the houses belonging to the Jummas, but they were repelled when organised resistance was put up.

Locals said most of the attackers came from outside the town, mostly from Khagrachari.

After the incident, the village head Mr. Sadhan Bikash Chakma complained to the local government administrative officials and army zone commander about the attack and demanded punishment to the culprits. However, it is not known if any cases have been filed in connection with the attack. The zone commander assured that he would order an investigation into the incident.

The injured have been identified as Ms Kamala Devi Chakma (45), Ms Sumitra Devi Chakma (18), a college student, Basu Chakma 18), Boren Bikash Chakma (18) s/o Naga Chakma, Mrs. Nirod Sona Chakma (45) w/o Motilal Chakma and Nayan Barua (18) s/o Ratan Barua. Of them, Kamala Devi and Sumitra Devi’s condition has been stated to be critical.

Once upon a time, Ramgarh was mostly a Jumma dominated area. Now two-thirds are illegally occupied by Bengali settlers who came from nearby Feni and Noakhali districts of the plain land. Despite the settlers’ continuous push for more and more Jumma lands, T&T still remains mainly a Jumma populated area. And the attack is believed to have been carried out to drive the Jummas from the town and grab their land and property.

UPDF in a statement condemned the attack and demanded punishment to those behind it. The party also staged demonstration in Khagrachari in protest against the attack.

Free and Impartial Election: Army prevents construction of UPDF offices in Kawkhali

Rangamati, January 12, 2007: The army is feverishly trying to prevent the construction and opening of election campaign offices of the United People’s Democratic Front and disrupting its democratic activities in various places of Chittagong Hill Tracts.

UPDF fielded its president Prasit Khisha in the three CHT constituencies for the January 22 national parliamentary elections, now being boycotted by major political parties of the country. UPDF has also announced that it would boycott the election and withdrew the nomination papers. However, the party has kept up its election campaign and has decided to go for vigorous movement to materialize its 7-point demand for holding the election in CHT in free, fair and impartial manner.
On 26 December 2006 UPDF members began constructing an election campaign office at Kachukhali in Kawkhali of Rangamati district. But an Army officer from Kawkhali zone and police sub-inspector Aminul came to the site of the construction and threatened the UPDF members to stop the construction and said no election campaign offices can be erected without permission of the Deputy Commissioner. Therefore, UPDF brought the matter to the notice of the office of the Rangamati Deputy Commissioner and a district magistrate informed that no permission is required. Yet, the army refused to stop its conspiracy.

In a meeting with Thana Nirbahi Officer (TNO) UPDF agreed to shift the office to another place. On 3 January construction of the office began at the new site. About 200 Jumma volunteers took part in the construction work.

The construction remaining incomplete, a group of army men picked up Aung-chi Marma, a Union Council member and a supporter of UPDF, from his home at Kochukhali at 9 p.m. He was taken to the Kawkhali army camp and was subjected to coercion. Major Yasin yelled at him and said: “we have information that you have contracted to build the UPDF office. Whose bullet do you want to hit you – JSS or our’s? I warn you not to go too far or else my men will shoot you in the head and send your brain into the air. We will also burn your house to ashes.” The major also warned him not to tell anything of what he had said to him to the UPDF.

The army also picked up Swarna Banshi Chakma, brother of the landowner, at about 6 a.m. on 4 January and took him to the army camp. He was beaten up and was brought to bear enormous pressure to put his finger print on a piece of blank paper.

The same day the TNO invited UPDF leaders to a meeting at his office. Major Yasin was also present. He argued that if the UPDF office was constructed in Kawkhali it might come under JSS attack thereby putting public security at serious risk.

UPDF leaders refuted his arguments and said it is the duty of the law enforcing agencies to protect the rights of the citizens and take appropriate actions against those who disrupt democratic activities of any lawful organisation.

The army major refused to accept the point that UPDF has every right to have open offices at any place in the country and insisted that UPDF must dismantle its incomplete office at Kawkhali.

UPDF leaders rejected the idea out of hand and said “if you insist that we dismantle the office, first give us a written statement that we (UPDF) have no right to have the office.” Hearing this, Major Yasin became furious and called this demand of the UPDF outrageous.

However, his tactic of intimidation failed and the UPDF leaders refused to cow down. The fight for democratic rights will continue. That is for sure.

Chiitagong Hill Tracts -Army confiscates in Naniachar

Rangamati, January 12, 2007: The army confiscated 300 copies of the current issue (42) of the Swadhikar Bulletin, a mouthpiece of the United Peoples Democratic Front, and other party literatures last night in Naniachar in Rangamati district.

Lieutenant Wadud of Naniachar zone picked up Randal Chakma from T&T area and confiscated the bulletins and some 50 copies of a booklet containing UPDF documents from him. The documents include the manifesto, constitution, programmes and demands of the party.

Mr. Chakma was taken to the army zone and was subjected to inhuman mental torture in the name of interrogation. Later he was released, but the bulletin and the booklet were not returned.

UPDF publishes the bulletin irregularly in which incidents of human rights abuses are given a prominent place. The military does not like it and makes attempts to restrict its circulation wherever and whenever gets the chance.

The booklet has been published recently after the first national congress of the UPDF held in November last year.

Mizo airport to build a new cargo facility

Kamalanagar, 11-Jan-2007 : MIZORAM airport at Lengpui, India, will get a hi-tech cargo-handling unit to export agricultural and horticultural products. Mizo airport is located in the North-Eastern part of India near the town of Aizawl.

The cargo-handling facility will be of particular use for perishable items like passion fruit, blue grapes, ginger, papaya and exotic flowers.

The new cargo facility should ensure cheaper and faster transport of perishable commodities from Mizoram to export markets. “A survey is underway to find out the estimated quantity of goods to be imported and exported by air, including aircraft carrying cargo for courier companies,” said Joe Lalhmingliana, an officer of the state civil aviation department.

Leading female artistes and their aspirations for '07


Rangamati, January 12, 2007: Speaking to some of the women artists, one comprehends their plan of work for the New Year, as well as their hopes for the holidays. They all aim at major joint and solo displays overseas and at home, and expect to get on with their home-making. Rokeya Sultana, Lalarukh Selim, who are both associate professors at the IFA, DU, and Kanakchanpa Chakma, who is a freelancer, speak out their thoughts for 2007. It is expected that the hopes and aspirations of their colleagues will tend to be similar, though perhaps not on that ambitious scale.
Rokeya Sultana-- who has had rave reviews for her solo at Bengal Foundation in '05, and whose paintings are sold at astronomic prices -- has decisive plans for the New Year. She hopes to complete works for her future exhibits in Pakistan and France in '07.
"Home-making for women artists is a priority and we must divide our time accordingly. I also hope to make it to the neighbouring holiday spots. This is what our family and friends do whenever we have the time and inclination. We go to nearby beautiful holiday spots like St. Martins and Cox's Bazar," Rokeya says.
Lalarukh Selim (Tori) said that she hopes to utilise the sabbatical that she has from December'06 for a year to do research on her project for the Asiatic Society. She is hoping to finish some new research of her own choosing. Finishing some details of the magazine on fine arts, which she edits, is another ongoing project in her mind. Again, she expects to do some drawing and painting for her sculpture.
"I hope to also make it to Kolkata, or Johannesburg, once my daughter Shebati's O Levels are over around mid '07. Towfiq, my husband -- who is also a sculptor --and the rest of the family of three will then have a restful time. This could be going to museums, book shops and places of historical interest," says Lalarukh.
Kanakchanpa Chakma, who toils from dawn to dusk at her home and studio at Dhanmondi, will continue with her work of bringing up her two young children and helping her husband KM Mithu (a well-known artist and photographer). "I hope to spend time at Rangamati with my family and elsewhere in Myanmar, Pakistan, and other places. I have to see to my career and that of Mithu's, as well as promote those of my children," says Kanak.
Clearly women have proved themselves through their ability to juggle home and work priorities. In the process they have been empowered and are role models for the less fortunate women.

Twin blasts in Guwahati, two Hindi-speaking killed


Tinsukia (Assam), Jan 12, 2007: Two powerful explosions rocked India's violence-torn northeastern state of Assam Monday injuring five people, while separatists continued targeting Hindi-speaking migrant workers killing two more, taking the toll in four days of attacks to 68, an official said.

A police spokesman said five shoppers were injured in two simultaneous explosions around 7.20 p.m. Monday close to an army cantonment on the outskirts of Assam's main city of Guwahati.

'The blast took place near an evening vegetable market just adjacent to the main entrance to the army cantonment,' a senior police official said. The injured were shifted to hospital with multiple injuries.

'The identities of the injured were not immediately known and we are investigating the incident,' the official said.

In another attack, heavily armed militants gunned down two Hindi-speaking vegetable vendors and wounded five more at village Gelabeel in the eastern Golaghat district, about 320 km from Guwahati.

These two incidents are the latest in a series of attacks targeting Hindi-speaking migrant workers that began Friday night.

'The death toll has now mounted to 68, a majority of them Hindi-speaking migrant workers,' Assam government spokesman and Health Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma told news.

Authorities have blamed all the attacks on the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), a rebel group fighting for an independent homeland in Assam since 1979.

The ULFA is yet to take responsibility for the attacks.

Indian authorities Monday launched a massive anti-insurgency operation in the northeastern state of Arunachal Pradesh to hunt for ULFA rebels.

'Security forces of both Assam and Arunachal Pradesh have begun a joint offensive to flush out ULFA rebels believed to be taking shelter here,' Arunachal Pradesh police chief Amod Kanth told IANS by telephone from the state capital Itanagar.

Five districts of Arunachal Pradesh share common border with Assam. Intelligence reports indicate that the ULFA was using at least three districts in the region as bases to carry out their hit-and-run guerrilla strikes in Assam.

The security operation is mainly confined to the extremely hostile and thickly wooded terrain in Tirap, Changlang and Lohit districts of Arunachal Pradesh, bordering eastern Assam.

'It is suspected that the ULFA could be using these areas as bases and hence the joint security operation,' the police chief said. Intelligence officials said the ULFA guerrillas use Arunachal Pradesh as a transit route to their training bases in Myanmar.

It is not immediately known if the army was involved in the operation in Arunachal Pradesh.

Meanwhile, federal soldiers are combing pockets in eastern Assam following the recent wave of violence.

Security tightened in Tripura

Agartala, January 12, 2007: Security along the Tripura-Assam border has been tightened in the wake of the recent violence in Dibrugarh, Tinsukia and adjacent areas of Upper Assam.

State police and central paramilitary forces were asked to intensify vigil along the inter-state border following ULFA’s recent killings, Tripura Chief Minister Manik Sarkar told reporters in Agartala today.

Terming the condition in Assam as “alarming”, Sarkar said he had a telephonic conversation with Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi yesterday and offered all possible help.

He also urged the Centre to help the Assam government to put an end to the recent killings that have so far claimed 69 lives.

Village of one man, 50 wives and 100 children


Kamalanagar, January 12, 2007: In the northeastern state of Mizoram, 64-year-old patriarch, Ziona, heads a village consisting entirely of his 50 wives and over 100 children.

Ziona, who has married 50 times and fathered 109 children, is the self-styled chief of Baktawng, a village 90km north of the state capital, Aizawl.

The villagers recently tried to put Ziona into the Guinness Book of Records for having married a record number of women. However, the effort was in vain because he refused to pose for a photograph, according to reports.

The family also carries forward the legacy of Lalpa Kohhran, (God’s Church), a sect founded by their ‘godfather’ Chana in 1966.

This sect split from the predominant Presbyterian group in the 1930s when the church, headed by the Welsh missionaries, banned ‘khuang’ (Mizo traditional drum) as an instrument of worship.

Chana and his brother Khuangtuaha condemned the church ban and left with their followers. His descendants have continued to practise the faith of their forefathers in a state which is 87% Christian.

Chana, who was said to have married over 20 women, died in 1997, and his son is carrying on the family tradition.

"We build a society that is more tolerant of personal differences in views and thoughts and where people appreciate and carry forward the values of mutual respect, love and co-operation," Ziona said.

"To expand my sect, I am willing to go even to the US to marry," he said.

Ziona’s first wife Zathiangi, two years older than him, said, "I and my other sisters (other wives of Ziona) are proud to serve our husband till our last breath. We are a very happy and self-reliant family."

Twenty-six-year-old Huntharnghaki is Ziona’s latest wife.

"If a family system is laid on the founding of mutual and genuine love and respect for each and every member, then the system is guaranteed to be a success," Huntharnghaki said.

About 20kg of rice and at least 10 chickens are cooked daily to feed the giant family, who make a living from carpentry.

Prepare CHT voter list in light of peace accord

Rangamati, January 12, 2007:The speakers at the sixth regional dialogue in hill town Rangamati yesterday demanded withdrawal of what they said was unofficial martial law, full implementation of the peace accord, and land rights for the indigenous people.

Speaking at the discussion organised jointly by the Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), The Daily Star, Prothom Alo and Channel, they said the army rule has yet to end in the three hill districts although a peace accord was signed between the government and the main insurgent groups in 1997.

Stressing the need for reforms in the political system and a coordinated development process, the discussants said the people in the hill districts are still deprived of many civil rights.

Citing as an example of discrimination, they said the area has been kept out of the mobile phone network on the pretext of maintaining security. They called for the hill districts to be brought under the network.

Many of the participants sought co-operation of the national leaders in bringing an end to their miseries. Neither the prime minister nor the leader of the opposition has visited the hill tracts in the last four and a half years, they complained.

They demanded a guarantee that the minority communities will not be subjected to torture after general elections.

Eminent academics and professionals, development and cultural activists, public representatives and political leaders and other civil society representatives of the district took part in the dialogue held as part of a series of dialogues on 'National Election 2007: Civil Society Initiative for Accountable Development'.

Chairman of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) Regional Council and President of Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity (PCJSS) Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma was the chief guest while Executive Director of the CPD Debapriya Bhattacharya was the moderator.

Former chairman of Rangamati Local Government Council and President of CHT Land Rights and Protection Committee Gautam Dewan chaired the discussion and Deputy Minister for CHT Affairs Moni Swapan Dewan and Chingkew Roaza were present as the special guests.

Chakma Circle Chief Barrister Devashish Roy and noted scientist and Chittagong University teacher Jamal Nazrul Islam, members of the 'Nagorik Committee 2006', were present at the four-hour meeting to receive public feedback.

Editor of the Prothom Alo Motiur Rahman spoke on behalf of the organisers.

Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma said most of the provisions in the peace accord remain unimplemented leading to ceaseless disturbances in the hilly areas.

He said all elections in the region must be held on the basis of voter lists prepared in light of the peace treaty.

Larma said "I don't think those who were elected in the past from the CHT could carry out their responsibilities properly".

Gautam Dewan in his address said, "We have always been kept outside the mainstream of country's politics."

He said he hopes that such discussion would help in preparing a vision paper for the nation.

"We see military interference in every single activity in the hill districts," said Shaktipada Tripura, a member of Rangamati Headmen's Association. He demanded immediate withdrawal of the army after an operation.

Suresh Kumar Chakma, a UP chairman, demanded a separate ministry and constitutional recognition for the indigenous people.

Addressing as the special guest, Deputy Minister for CHT Affairs Moni Swapan Dewan underscored the need for a national vision and a sea change in the existing political culture.

Criticising the roles of World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) in Bangladesh, Jamal Nazrul Islam said the donors are pouring millions of dollars in the hill tracts without leaving any positive impact on the society.

He warned the government and the army against sponsoring a development agenda with a bad intention in the hill tracts.

The top two political leaders are driving the country to the edge of destruction, he observed.

Expressing solidarity with the struggle of the hills people, Motiur Rahman said overall problems of the country cannot not be resolved without solving the crisis in the hilly areas.

Heavy downpour throughout the day could not deter people from attending the dialogue. The participants thanked the organisers for giving them the opportunity to express their views.

Among others, Rangamati Pourashava Chairman Habibur Rahman Habib, President of Rangamati Chamber of Commerce and industries Kazi Nazrul Islam, President of Rangamati Press Club Sunil Kanti Dey, General Secretary of BNP district unit Zahir Ahmed, General Secretary of Rangamati Communist Party Dilip Dev, President of Khagrachhari Headmen's Association Santachita Chakma Bakul, Advocate Shaktiman Chakma, Priodarshi Chakma, Dulal Kanti Sarker, Rocky Chakma, Mamunur Rashid Mamun, Sukumar Dewan, Moulana Mohammad Shahjahan and Konishka Chakma attended the dialogue.