Friday, December 08, 2006

December 10th: Human Rights Day and NGO Action
On 04 December 2006

The United Nations " spells — and it ought to spell — the end of the system of unilateral action, exclusive alliances, and spheres of influence, and the balances of power and all the other expedients which have been tried for centuries and have always failed" said President Roosevelt after the Crimean Conference where plans for the UN were laid. Yet today most of the expedients that Roosevelt said had always failed are back in full force. We see this clearly in the field of human rights.

Governments at the UN have developed to a fine art the ability to use human rights forums as a tool to deal with issues making no progress elsewhere. This is most notably true with the Israel-Palestine question, largely blocked in the Security Council. The conflict provides the subject for endless resolutions in the Commission on Human Rights, transformed in 2006 into the Human Rights Council. Alas, the resolutions change little on the ground. The same was true for a number of years during which there was no bilateral movement on the question of Kashmir between India and Pakistan. Both states decided to move their differences to the UN Commission on Human Rights where they used up much time and energy with statements and points of order. Now China needs only mention "trade" in a soft voice for all pressure on human rights violations in China to disappear.

It is easy to grow cynical as diplomats read the fine print of the rules of procedure to find new ways to block action. But as we rededicate ourselves to work for essential liberties on 10 December — marking the day in 1948 when the UN Declaration on Human Rights was adopted in Paris — it is important to note the land marks of progress. These are some of the victories where intense effort and creative cooperation among representatives of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), UN Secretariat, independent experts of the Sub-Commission, and a few representatives of progressive governments created awareness, got resolutions adopted, and built structures for follow up. Each case would merit a fuller analysis and character sketches of some of the players, but that would make too long a presentation.

I list 10 victories which seem to me to be real advances. Others would no doubt make different lists, but as an NGO representative to the UN in Geneva, I had participated in each of these advances and knew the key players. Governments, who alone have the ability to vote UN resolutions in the end, happily take credit for advances. Yet in these cases progress was made by ideas coming from NGO representatives, helped by UN Secretariat who must keep a "low profile" and the representatives of some governments where an issue touched them personally — and did not go against their government’s policy.

1) Awareness of the rights and conditions of indigenous and tribal populations. When this issue was first raised in the early 1980s, "indigenous" was considered to be only the Indians of North America who had come in force to present their case in Geneva. Governments finally went along thinking that such analysis would be a subtle criticism of the USA without it costing them anything. However, the International Labour Organizations Convention N° 109 on indigenous peoples speakes of "indigenous and tribal". Thus, it was possible to raise issues of tribal groups in south-east Asia such as the Chakma of Bangladesh. Much of the advance is due to the skills and dedication of Ms. Erica Daes who for many years chaired the Working Group on Indigenous Populations. Now the indigenous and tribal issues cover a wide number of countries and have moved to center stage.

2) Torture. When the use of torture was first raised, it was thought to be a rare practice l limited to a small number of countries. It turns out that it is, in fact, widely used by by a large number of countries. Getting torture to be a recognized issue and having the Commission on Human Rights create the post of Special Rapporteur on Torture owes much to Sean MacBride (1904-1988) at the time chairman of the Amnesty International Executive Committee (1961-1974) and Nobel Peace Prize laureate (1974). MacBride had been the Foreign Minister of Ireland (1948-1951) and knew how governments work. He had also been a long-time member of the Irish Republican Army (1917-19+36) and knew well how police as well as insurgencies Work.

3) Death Penalty. The efforts for the abolition of the death penalty also owes much to Amnesty International and its long-time Secretary-General Martin Ennals. His role, often in the background but always on key issues, is an example of how NGO impact can be made.

4) Conscientious objection to military service; Conscientious objection as a human right was a long but successful fight on the part of a small number of NGOs such as the Quakers, the Fellowship of Reconciliation and the International Peace Bureau. It was led by the representatives of Ireland, Canada and Austria – all of which have armies but whose representatives went "that extra mile" to overcome opposition and get the resolution passed.

5) Child Soldiers. The attention now given to the human rights violations from the existence of child soldiers – both the fact that children are taken as soldiers and the human rights they are forced to commit was brought to the attention of the Commission by the Quakers and the NGO Defense for Children. This has led to the creation of a Special Representative on Children in Conflict as well as attention at the UN Security Council and the International Criminal Court.

6) The Right to Housing. The right to housing and especially the destruction of houses in the process of slum clearing, often done without rehousing, owes its place on the human rights agenda to a small number of NGOs but who had dramatic examples of abuses. There is now an active Special Rapporteur on the Right to Housing.

7) The Right to Religion and Belief. It was a 20-year effort to get the adoption in 1981 of the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and Belief It was an effort kept alive by a small number of states and NGOs. It is not sure that as far-reaching and complete a Declaration could be drafted today. The Declaration serves as a guideline in many of the current religious-based tensions.

8) The Rights of Women. It is always strange how difficult it is to get proper attention to the rights and condition of women since they are half and probably more of humanity. Nevertheless it has been a long effort largely carried by NGOs. It is a multifaceted effort and was helped by a series of UN-sponsored Conferences on women. Geneva-based NGOs such as the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom have played key roles. That women exist and Thus have rights has been a theme that has brought together NGOs who are often Divided on other issues.

9) Systematic rape. The awareness of systematic rape as a crime against humanity has grown as part of the broader effort on the equality of women mentioned in point 8. Many of the NGOs concerned with equality of women have been concered with domestic violence as well. Thus they reacted strongly to reports of systematic rape during the conflicts of former Yugoslavia. This issue has also been raised concerning the conflict in Darfur, Sudan and has become part of the mandate of the International Criminal Court.

10) Human Rights Defenders. I leave for last our auto-defense: the efforts to protect human rights defenders on the front lines. Raising human rights issues in a good number of countries can get you into trouble. Even writing to Amnesty International is not a danger-free practice is some places. The recent killing of Anna Politkovskaia, a journalist critical of the conflict in Checheny, is there as a symbol of all those on the front lines of human rights protection. Thanks to NGO efforts, the UN has created a Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders – A constant reminder to government and in some cases non-governmental militias that they are being watched.

All these victories are fragile, and there are governments who would want them reversed or forgotten. But on Human Rights Day we can welcome these advances, remember those whose drive, skills and determination helped bring forward these issues which many would have left in the dark. We need to prepare for the next battles which are not far away.
The CHT accord and the disempowering of a nation
Sun, 12 Nov 2006, 09:21:00


An essay by Prajnalankar Bhikkhu titled 'Empowering the Jumma Indigenous people within the framework of the CHT Accord' is the latest in a series of articles and conference papers sponsored by India's foreign intelligence agency RAW to disseminate views on the CHT that is designed to undermine the territorial integrity of Bangladesh. My opinion concerning the involvement of RAW in this particular instance is primarily based on the repetitive use of technical terms and factual errors that appear as a common feature in all such writings.

In an effort to add credence to the perspective advanced by Bhikkhu we are afforded a short academic lecture on the meaning of the word 'empowerment' in its several variant uses related to politics, economics and sociological development. In some inexplicable way this is meant to convince the reader of the inherent goodness of the CHT Accord in bringing peace to the region and its inhabitants. According to Bhikkhu these inhabitants are the Jumma or indigenous peoples of the area but what he fails to mention is that both these terms are controversial and suspect and subject to challenge. Zainul Abedin in his several books on the CHT has shown that both these terms are contentious and inaccurate. In my recent book, 'The India Doctrine' I have provided a painstaking analysis of the genesis of these words in relation to the CHT and how they have become the vehicle of RAW's policy to sow dissension within the CHT and to misinform foreign agencies about the actual ground realties and historical background to the conflict.

My research has shown that the word indigenous and Jumma that have been applied to all the 11 ethnic communities without discrimination is a historical fabrication with all these communities in fact being relative newcomers to the region. The original settlements in the CHT started with the Muslim traders of Arabic origin starting sometime in the 10th century and then by Bengali settlers under the Bengal Sultanate and the Mughal Emperors from the 12th - 18th centuries. It was these Muslim inhabitants that predominated in the region and it was through the tolerant policies of their governments that the 11 ethnic communities found sanctuary and safety from oppressive authorities in their places of origin starting from the 17th century onwards.

It was with the arrival of the British that a policy of discrimination against the Bengali Muslims was initiated with the introduction of the 1900 Regulations. During the 1970's this policy became one of ethnic cleaning with the armed insurgency of the Chakma community supported by the Indian military and intelligence to forcibly remove the Bengali inhabitants from the area. It was due to this aggression against the Bengali inhabitants that the Bangladesh military occupied the area under President Ziaur Rahman and which continues to this day. Once it had been perceived in India that the insurgency had lost steam a peace accord was proposed to the then Awami League government to achieve Indian objectives by other means.

Bhikkhu claims that the CHT Accord was intended to empower the Jumma indigenous peoples and "non-indigenous permanent residents" through a decentralisation of power but its unstated purpose has been to undermine Bangladesh sovereignty and control of the area. It is because the successor government in Bangladesh understood the adverse implications of the Accord and respected the principle of the unity of the state enshrined in the country's Constitution (as well as in democracy and the rule of law) that it had been reluctant to implement all the provisions of the Accord. It is irrelevant to contend, as Bhikkhu does, that this is some concerted Islamisation policy since the region has been under Muslim control and suzerainty for the greater part of 800 years.

The most disturbing element of Bhikkhu's essay is his attempt to dehumanise the Muslim Bengali inhabitants of the CHT which is clearly a product of a mindset found prevalent within India's governing elite, military, intelligence and security agencies and apparatus. This same policy has been adopted consistently in regard to India's own Muslim minorities in Kashmir and Gujarat as well as with their scheduled castes and is similar in context to Israel's treatment of the Palestinians and South Africa's treatment of the native blacks under the former apartheid regimes.

The victims in Bhikkhu's story is more accurately, therefore, not the so-called indigenous communities but the majority Muslim Bengalis who have had to face discrimination and violence from the Chakma insurgents who have been aided by the Indian. It is through Bhikkhu's disingenuous arguments that we may presume this is also his intention and aim when he makes the following spurious and opinionated comment:

"[The] policy thought out by the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the early 1970s and consistently executed by his two successive military regimes respectively headed by Major General Ziaur Rahman (1975-1981) and Lt. General Hussein Mohammad Ershad (1982-1990) seeks to integrate the indigenous peoples and their lands and resources with the mono-cultural Islamic State [9], Bangladesh, with force and other illegal means, such as forcible land confiscation and settlement of ethnic Bengali settlers from plain districts in the CHT, militarisation and atrocities like rape, murder and religious persecution, and imposition of Islam and Bengali cultural values on the indigenous peoples."

That the CHT has been integrated into East Pakistan and then independent Bangladesh for the last 50 years and that the majority of acts of rape, murder and religious persecutions have been committed by the two opposing groups of the PCJSS and the UPDF against the members of their communities that they claim to represent. As for Bhikkhu's later contentions of sponsored settlements by successive Bangladesh governments this may be viewed as a redress of the iniquities perpetrated under the 1900 Regulations which saw a sharp drop in Bengali inhabitants in the CHT. This policy would also be Consistent with the constitution of Bangladesh which provides for freedom of movement within the territory of Bangladesh and as the CHT has been an integral part of the nation for several centuries (which was also recognised by the British during the partition talks of 1947) it is within the sovereignty of the nation to promote such settlements.

It is my contention that the 11 communities have lived peaceably under Muslim rule for at least 3 centuries and would have continued to do so had the Indian government and military not interfered in the region and fomented insurgent tendencies. If the CHT Accord is a solution to the CHT conflict then the Indian government should implement similar agreements with the almost 120 insurgent groups operating in the North East Indian States (i.e. the Seven Sisters) which have been subject to an insipid Indian imperialism since their amalgamation into the Indian Union as well as to human rights violations that far exceeds anything that has happened in the CHT.

India should further remove all its military and intelligence personnel from these areas and repeal the half dozen or so draconian laws that have transformed the entire region into an 'occupied territory' under near martial law conditions.
Tripura tribal students strike gold

Agartala, Dec. 7: Tribals in Tripura have not one, but two “brilliant” reasons to rejoice. Padmakumari Chakma and L. Darlong, two young tribals from the state, have made the community proud by standing first class first in Tripura University’s post-graduation examinations this year.

Chakma appears to be no different from any other young tribal girl — pachhra-clad, quiet and polite — as far appearances are concerned.

However, she has proved her merit by standing first class first in Tripura University’s MA (Bengali) final examination.

Outshining 59 of her Bengali classmates, naturally supposed to have better command over the language, Chakma is all set to pick up the gold medal for her feat this year.

Born into a Chakma tribal family in tribal-dominated Kanchanpur subdivision town, Chakma had decided to take up arts at the higher secondary level when she was only in Class VIII.

“I have always been fascinated by the languages and especially Bengali,” Chakma said.

She secured first division in the Madhyamik examination with excellent marks in Bengali and then repeated her feat in the Higher Secondary examination by scoring more than 70 per cent marks in her dream subject.

“I had one advantage over many of my classmates as both my parents, Kirit Bhusan Chakma and Lilabati Chakma, are experienced teachers and they helped me a lot,” she said.

“Some of my classmates used to wonder how I could do so well in Bengali in spite of my being a tribal. My standard reply was that I studied more than they did and liked the subject,” Chakma said, smiling.

Manjari Chowdhury, head of the department of Bengali in Tripura University, was effusive over her “favourite student’s feat. As far as knowledge and skill in writing are concerned, Chakma is one of the best students I have come across in my 25 years of teaching career”.

Chakma is all set to be rewarded for her achievement. She has already been offered the job of teacher in the reputed Ramesh Higher Secondary School in Udaipur, headquarters of South Tripura district. She plans to take the National Eligibility Test (NET) and join a college or university as lecturer.

Another tribal student from the Jampui hills area in North Tripura, L. Darlong, has also set a record by becoming the first tribal student to have secured the first class first position in the MA (economics) examination. Hailing from a poor family, he had to face a lot of challenges to continue with his university studies.

“He is not here at this moment but I can tell you that Darlong is really a brilliant student who will make us more proud in the days to come,” said Asish Nath, professor of economics at the university.

The epithet “backward” is perhaps on its way out as far as the tribals of Tripura are concerned.
CHAKMAS FORCE MILITANTS TO FREE HOSTAGES



FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT

Agartala, Nov. 19:
Two Chakma women were abducted yesterday by a group of heavily-armed National Liberation Front of Tripura militants from Tuichakma village under Gandacherra subdivision. The abduction was carried out to avenge the lynching of two comrades of the rebels. The women were, however, set free today following public pressure.

Chakma villagers raided the forest where the women were being held hostage by the NLFT militants and obtained their release.

Before leaving the village with the women yesterday, the militants had warned the residents, mostly Chakma tribals, that unless they gave up their resistance movement against the NLFT, more such raids would follow and the abducted women killed.

Giving details, police sources said the Chakma tribals of Tuichakma village had organised a community meeting on October 27 and unanimously resolved to resist NLFT rebels. They also issued a call to all Chakma militants, mostly collaborators of the NLFT, to give up arms and join the mainstream.

The militants were also threatened with dire consequences unless they complied with the directive of the Chakma community council.

On November 7, two known NLFT collaborators, Jyotirmay Chakma and Kripajay Chakma, entered Tuichakma village to extort money. When the villagers refused, they beat up some of the residents.

The enraged villagers pounced upon the militants, lynched them and handed over their bodies to Raisyabari police station. The villagers’ wrath found expression the next day when the slain Kripajay Chakma’s father described his son as an “enemy of the society and also of the family” while speaking at Gandacherra hospital morgue.

The slain Jyotirmay Chakma’s father did not even accept the body of his son.

Planning to avenge the killing of their comrades, a group of heavily-armed NLFT rebels yesterday stormed Tuichakma village during the day, when most of the men were out working.

They abducted at gunpoint two middle-aged Chakma women, Taranga Lata Chakma and Rongabonti Chakma and escaped into the forest.

The residents of the village, regardless of political affiliation, immediately held a meeting of the community council and resolved not to budge an inch from their chosen path of resistance against the NLFT rebels.

The meeting also set a deadline till the end of this month, asking all Chakma youth engaged in militant activities to return to the mainstream. They asserted that unless the rebels did so, people belonging to the tribal community all over the state would take necessary action.

Significantly, the meeting also resolved that the community council reserved the right to even pass death sentences on any Chakma youth following the path of militancy in defiance of the call.

The meeting lambasted the NLFT for carrying out “mafia-like activities to the detriment of tribal interests.”

Official sources here said that coming close on the heels of the anti-NLFT stand taken by the Jamatya and Uchoi tribals of West and South Tripura respectively, the Chakma community’s call for resistance would help people wake up to the situation and back the government’s counter-insurgency operations.

Speaking on the issue, veteran Chakma tribal leader Sroto Ranjan Khisa said, “This was only to be expected because like all other tribal and non-tribal people, the Chakmas are also badly affected by the depredations of the NLFT, which has no defined objective.”

Khisa rued that the NLFT was causing the greatest damage to the tribals themselves, adding, “A section of Chakma youth, mostly thugs, are working as collaborators of the NLFT in lieu of payment but they are not trusted enough to be enrolled in the main body of the organisation.”
Satisfactory turnout for Mizo polls

Aizawl, Oct. 30, 2006 (PTI): Brisk polling was reported from a majority of polling stations in Mizoram, as voters queued up today to decide the fate of the six candidates who are in the fray for byelections in two Assembly seats.

Reports from Tlungvel constituency and the Chawngte seat in south Mizoram’s Lawngtlai district said a good turnout was reported in majority of the polling booths.

Tlungvel constituency has 14 polling stations and 11,281 voters.

Three candidates are in the fray including the ruling Mizo National Front (MNF) candidate Lalchhandama Ralte, who is contesting for the second time.

The Opposition Congress and Mizoram People’s Conference (MPC) had forged a pre-poll alliance and fielded a common candidate, Lalthanliana, in the constituency. Rualkhuma Hmar, the Zoram Nationalist Party (ZNP) candidate is contesting for the first time.

The Tlungvel seat was lying vacant following the death of sitting Congress MLA Sainghaka last July.

Chawngte constituency has 35 polling stations and 11,101 voters. Alak Bikash Chakma of the MNF, former Congress minister Nirupam Chakma and Indralal Chakma, an Independent candidate are in the fray from Chawngte. While A.B. Chakma had contested earlier as BJP candidate, Nirupam Chakma had won from this seat five consecutive times before losing the 2003 polls.

The byelection in Chawngte was necessiated by the resignation of sitting MLA R.M. Chakma of the MNF early this year on grounds of holding an office of profit.
Deputy Commissioner of the Khagrachari district published communal booklet against Jumma people

Recently Mohammad Humayun Kabir, the Deputy Commissioner of the Khagrachari Hill district, the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), has published a book, \"Khagrachari 2001-2005\", in which he describes the indigenous peoples of the CHT as \'outsiders\', \'anti-Bengali people\', \'wild and uncivilized tribes\' and so on, and purposefully sent it to various Ministers, people representatives, government officials and offices of donor agencies in Bangladesh. The Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS) strongly condemns and protests the book and the behaviours of the Deputy Commissioner, which breach the rules and decorum of a public office like one being held by him.

The book published in English from the office of the Deputy Commissioner in April 2006 portrays the indigenous peoples living in the CHT region since time immemorial and even before the arrival of any ethnic Bengalis as \'outsiders\' and \'anti-Bengali people\'. It is politically motivated. In addition to that, it presents some wrong and distorted statistics and information designed to provoke and perpetuate communal violence and to denigrate the indigenous peoples by endowing with various humiliating epithets. The writer describes the CHT Accord of 1997 to be \'controversial\'. He implicates the PCJSS with his very subjective and concocted charges, such as killing, kidnapping and extortion, with ill motive to tarnish the image of the organization.

The way the Deputy Commissioner is misusing his public office by manipulating such wrong and distorted statistics and information is a matter of grave concern and a serious threat to the democratic institutions in the CHT. It is above discord that his behaviors are highly motivated with political designs. It may be noted that unwelcome incidents like infiltration of Bengali outsiders, communal and terrorist attacks on the indigenous peoples, grabbing of indigenous lands by Bengali settlers illegally and so on have been scaled up to a great extent since his (Mohammad Humayun Kabir) appointment as Deputy Commissioner in the Hill district. In these circumstances, the PCJSS demands the government action for his immediate punishment and removal from the Office of the Deputy Commissioner and immediate ban on his communally and politically motivated booklet.
Released By : Sajib Chakma, Assistant Secretary for Information and Publicity
Date : 17Jun, 2006
Santu demands separate voter list for CHT
Our Correspondent, Khagrachhari

Speakers at a function yesterday said the life of at least 13 indigenous communities in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) is at stake due to illegal activities of a group of outsider settlers.

They said the settlers are disturbing peace in the area by grabbing indigenous lands, property and damaging communal harmony.

The function was organised to accord reception to freshers at Khagrachhari Government College yesterday.

Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity (PCJSS) Chief and Regional Council Chairman Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma alias Santu Larma attended the function as chief guest while Pahari Chhatra Parishad Khagrachhari College unit President Popen Tripura chaired the function.

"Implementation of CHT Peace Agreement has become uncertain," Santu Larma said, adding, "The government will be fully responsible for any situation arising out of the non-implementation of the accord."

He demanded separate fresh voter list for CHT.

The speakers alleged that beside army, members of Somo Adhikar Andolon (SAA), a Bangalee-supported organisation, is now repressing indigenous people.

SAA leaders are grabbing their lands in a bid to drive out the indigenous people from the CHT, they added.

Resident Editor of Prothom Alo Abul Momen, Chittagong University Professor Dr Hossain Kabir, PCP Central Committee Secretary Priyadarshi Chakma, District PCP President Milon Bikash Tripura, Mahila Samity President Zarita Chakma also spoke on the occasion.